Fw: Teenage speak and beyond

Dennis Preston preston at MSU.EDU
Fri Jun 1 15:45:58 UTC 2007


Many apparent time (not literally longitudinal) and comparative time
studies have been done on several shifts (both ones with the low-back
merger and without, e.g., and the Northern Cities shift) which
contain all or some of the elements described here. The important
question raised here is whether speakers (apparently younger ones)
OUTSIDE the areas where these changes are very well established in
much older speakers represent some sort of hip, teenage, or cool
practice. There is no doubt that such practices exist, but one would
want to be assured that it was not an observation of only those
younger speakers from areas where these changes are still in progress
that is being noticed. The question has obvious bearing on the
age-grading versus linguistic change distinction, often a tough nut
to crack.

dInIs

>---------------------- Information from the mail header
>-----------------------
>Sender:       American Dialect Society <ADS-L at LISTSERV.UGA.EDU>
>Poster:       Richard Vallis <rvallis at OPTONLINE.NET>
>Subject:      Re: Fw: Teenage speak and beyond
>-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>I totally agree with you.  A longitudinal study needs to be done.  That's
>why I'm asking if any inquiries have already been undertaken.
>I certainly do not deny the diagnosis:
>
>             Both the lowering of /E/ and the backing of /ae/ are found in
>the
>             California Shift and the Canadian Shift. People inclined to
>believe in
>             chain shifting might chalk these movements up to the presence of
>the
>             low-back merger (cot=3Dcaught) in both these regions.
>
>I'm merely saying this speech pattern has somehow been adopted as a kind of
>teen lingo, probably beginning with the nationally syndicated "sophisticated
>valley girl" speak of SNL's Lorraine Newman's character  back in the '70's.
>
>
>Richard Vallis
>
>
>----- Original Message -----
>From: "Michael H Covarrubias" <mcovarru at PURDUE.EDU>
>To: <ADS-L at LISTSERV.UGA.EDU>
>Sent: Friday, June 01, 2007 5:12 AM
>Subject: Re: Fw: Teenage speak and beyond
>
>
>>  ---------------------- Information from the mail
>header -----------------------
>>  Sender:       American Dialect Society <ADS-L at LISTSERV.UGA.EDU>
>>  Poster:       Michael H Covarrubias <mcovarru at PURDUE.EDU>
>>  Subject:      Re: Fw: Teenage speak and beyond
>>  --------------------------------------------------------------------------
>-----
>>
>>  Quoting Richard Vallis <rvallis at OPTONLINE.NET>:
>>
>>  >  In my experience, the  individuals
>>  > to which I refer, DO NOT speak this
>>  > way prior to adolescence.  They
>>  > acquire an affectation after the
>>  > onset of their teen years.
>>
>>  Is this based on a longitudinal study? Are you simply saying you've not
>noticed
>>  it in any speakers prior to adolescence? That claim needs a little deeper
>digging.
>>
>>  Quoting Richard Vallis <rvallis at OPTONLINE.NET>:
>>
>>  > Hence,  it is not a regional speech pattern.
>>  > It can be heard in Great Neck, Rosllyn,
>>  > Scarsdale and New Rochelle in  the New York
>>  > City vicinity where I live, and in upwardly
>>  > mobile  neighborhoods of other metropolitan
>>  > areas.
>>  > Perhaps you might want to dig a little
>>  > deeper into this.
>>  >
>>  > Richard Vallis
>>
>>  Great Neck, Roslyn, Scarsdale and New Rochelle are all part of a definite
>region
>>  over which you would expect to find a speech pattern.
>>
>>  Michael
>>
>>  -------------------
>>  > > Quoting "Gordon, Matthew J." <GordonMJ at MISSOURI.EDU>:
>>  > >
>>  > > > Both the lowering of /E/ and the backing of /ae/ are found in the =
>>  > > > California Shift and the Canadian Shift. People inclined to believe
>in =
>>  > > > chain shifting might chalk these movements up to the presence of the
>=
>>  > > > low-back merger (cot=3Dcaught) in both these regions.
>>  > > >
>>  > > > Self-promotion: http://www.pbs.org/speak/ahead/change/changin/
>>  > > >
>>  > > > -Matt Gordon
>>  > > >
>>  > > >
>>
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>  >
>
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