Serial verbs in Oceanic

Paul Richard Kroeger pkroeger at Stanford.EDU
Tue Jan 30 01:31:29 UTC 2001


I have a question (or two) about serial verbs in Oceanic.  A number of
authors have distinguished at least three common patterns of agreement
marking in serial verb constructions (see examples below): Same-subject
serials (ex. 1), *Ambient* serials (default 3rd-sing marking) (see 2
below), and Switch-subject serials (3).

This third pattern seems typologically quite surprising, since all the
verbs in *true* SVCs (in other parts of the world) are often claimed to
share a single grammatical subject (though they may not have the same
logical subject).  In many Oceanic examples which are identified as
Switch-subject serials the second verb takes 3rd-singular marking; these
could be viewed as a special use of the *ambient* pattern.  The really
crucial examples are those like (3) below, where both verbs clearly take
meaningful, and different, agreement morphology.

My questions:
(a) What evidence supports the analysis of these examples as SVCs?
Bradshaw (1993) and several other authors mention some of the diagnostic
tests for SVCs, involving coordination, scope of negation, etc.  Can these
tests be applied to the examples in (3)?  What do they show us?

(b) Are there any established diagnostics for distinguishing serial verbs
from clause chaining in these languages?  Could the examples in (3)
involve a type of clause chaining?

Further data, references, or suggestions will be greatly appreciated.
Many thanks,

Paul Kroeger
 ==========================
A. Same-subject serials:

(1)  a.  Namakir (Vanuatu; Sperlich, 1993)
ni bo?ata ni loloh.
1sg can 1sg swim
I can swim.

b.  Numbami (PNG; Bradshaw, 1993)
ma-pa-andalowa ma-woti ma-ma ma-solonga teteu
1pl.ex-make-way 1pl.ex-descend 1pl.ex-come 1pl.ex-enter village
We walked down there into the village .

B. *Ambient* serials: (default 3sg marking)

(2)  Numbami (PNG; Bradshaw, 1993)
ma-pisa ai i-iye taun.
1pl.ex-find 3pl 3sg-lie town
We found them in town.


C. Switch-subject serials:

(3)  a.  Loniu (PNG; Hamel, 1993)
uto ko'oluweni wow ala tan.
1pl.ex irr-non.sg-move.with.rope 2sg irr-2sg-go down
We will lower you down (into the water).

 b.  Loniu (PNG; Hamel, 1993)
ow kolomwi yo kito ma'akoso kalipap.
2du irr-non.sg-plant 1sg irr-1sg-stay beside Kalipap
Bury me beside Kalipap.

  (*** or is the 1sg. agreement really 3sg ??
as I understand it the two are homophonous ?? ***)

 c.  Paamese (PNG; Crowley, 1987:48)
kaik komuasinau nauvaa netan.
2sg 2sg-real-hit-1sg 1sg-real-go down
You hit me down.



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