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<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">The Canadian Journal of Linguistics / La revue canadienne de linguistique</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">
<br>
<strong><span style="font-family:"Cambria","serif"">55(3), November/novembre 2010 is now available at
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/toc/cjl.55.3.html" target="_blank">
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/toc/cjl.55.3.html</a></span></strong><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Noun incorporation as symmetry breaking
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Michael Barrie<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Abstract:This article proposes a novel account of noun incorporation in Northern Iroquoian. It is proposed that there is no special mechanism for
noun incorporation and that this phenomenon falls out naturally from the geometry of the phrase structure under Moro’s theory of Dynamic Antisymmetry. In a nutshell, when the verbal head and the nominal head undergoMerge, they form a point of symmetric c-command,which
is resolved by the nominal head moving to the specifier of the verb phrase. Further, it is proposed that, in noun incorporation constructions with a full DP double, the incorporated noun and the DP form a constituent, which is merged in theta-position.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Résumé:Cet article propose une nouvelle description de l’incorporation nominale dans l’iroquoïen du Nord. Il est proposé qu’il n’y a aucun mécanisme
particulier en matière d’incorporation nominale et que ce phénomène découle naturellement de la géométrie de la syntaxe selon la théorie de l’Antisymétrie dynamique de Moro. En un mot, la fusion (Merge) des têtes verbale et nominale forme un point de c-commande
symétrique qui se voit résoudre par le déplacement de la tête nominale au spécifieur du syntagme verbal. De plus, j’avance que le nom incorporé dans les constructions ayant un sd double forme avec celui-ci un constituent qui est fusionné en position thématique.
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.barrie.pdf" target="_blank">
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.barrie.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Omission des déterminants : Contraintes d’alternances rythmiques ou contraintes liées aux niveaux supérieurs de la structure prosodique
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Roseline Fréchette<br>
Marie Labelle<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Résumé:Cet article vise à déterminer si l’omission des déterminants chez des enfants de deux ans est contrainte au niveau du pied ou si elle est
contrainte par les différents niveaux de la hiérarchie prosodique. Neuf enfants francophones âgés de 24 à 31 mois ont participé à une tâche de répétition de 54 phrases de quatre ou cinq mots de la forme suivante «Pronomv sn» réparties en trois conditions :
a) dét + nom monosyllabique; b) dét + nom bisyllabique; c) dét + adjectif monosyllabique + nom monosyllabique. Les résultats démontrent 1) plus d’omission du déterminant dans la condition b que dans la condition a; 2) plus d’omission du déterminant en c qu’en
b. Il est démontré que l’omission du déterminant ne s’explique pas par une contrainte d’alternance rythmique de bas niveau et que le niveau de la structure prosodique auquel doit s’attacher le déterminant joue un rôle dans l’omission des déterminants.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Abstract:This article focuses on whether determiner omission by two-year-old children is constrained at the level of the prosodic foot or whether
it is a function of the different levels of the prosodic hierarchy. Nine French-speaking children aged 2;0 to 2;7 were asked to repeat 54 four-or five-word sentences of the form “Pronoun V NP” with three conditions: a) det + monosyllabic noun; b) det + bisyllabic
noun; c) det + monosyllabic adjective + monosyllabic noun. The results show 1) more determiner omission in condition b than in a; 2) more determiner omission in c than in b. It is shown that determiner omission is not accounted for by a low-level stress-alternation
constraint and that the level of prosodic structure to which the determiner is attached plays a role in determiner omission.
<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.frechette.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.frechette.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Redefining what matters: Syntactic explanation in American linguistics, 1955–1970
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Janet Martin-Nielsen<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Abstract:The postwar decades are well known for having brought dramatic change to American linguistics on many fronts. This paper explores an internally
focused aspect of this change: conditions of explanation. The two questions at stake are, firstly, what counts as explanation in linguistics? and, secondly, how is this decided? I argue that transformational grammarians dominated the setting of explanatory
criteria in 1960s American syntax, and that this dominance was essential to the overall success of that theory. Importantly, rival grammarians were forced to devote as much time and effort to fitting their theories to the transformational criteria as they
were to advancing their own explanatory priorities. By successfully naming the conditions for explanation, transformationalists provided their own supporters with significant questions to pursue and, simultaneously, drew energy away from rivals. This monopoly
over explanatory criteria was central to the dominant position transformational grammar established in the American academic linguistics community.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Résumé:Les décennies de l’après-guerre ont été caractérisées par des changements importants dans la linguistique américaine. Cet article explore
un aspect interne de ces changements : les conditions d’explication.Deux questions sont en jeu ici : premièrement, en quoi consiste l’explication en linguistique? et en deuxième lieu : Comment décide-t-on en quoi consiste l’explication? Je soutiens que les
grammairiens transformationnels ont imposé le choix des critères d’explication de la syntaxe américaine au cours des années 1960 et que cette domination était essentielle au succès global de la grammaire transformationnelle. Les grammairiens rivaux ont dû
consacrer autant de temps et d’effort à adapter leurs théories aux critères transformationnels qu’à avancer leur propres priorités d’explication. En réussissant à définir les critères d’explication, les transformationalistes ont nourri leur propres partisans
de questions importantes à poursuivre en même temps qu’ils ont drainé les énergies de leurs rivaux. Ce monopole des critères d’explication était central à la position dominante que la grammaire transformationelle a établie dans la communauté linguistique universitaire
américaine. <br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.martin-nielsen.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.martin-nielsen.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Some remarks on subject positions and the architecture of the left periphery in Spanish
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Bernhard Pöll<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">This article reexamines the puzzling issue of where subjects, lexical and null, are located in Spanish and offers a novel explanation for the incompatibility
of preverbal lexical subjects with fronted focussed constituents. Both Specip and the left periphery appear to be potential landing sites for subjects, according to discourse-pragmatic factors. Assuming that pro is a clitic, it is argued that the aforementioned
incompatibility can be captured by a simple rule: Specip must be empty for focus fronting to occur. This is the case with pro, which adjoins to Infl, or with postverbal subjects since they remain in Specvp. From this analysis it follows that: 1) the subject
field in Spanish is less articulated than is generally assumed, 2) the differences between Spanish and other null subject languages with respect to the availability of preverbal subjets can be reduced to this rule and a different ordering of focus and topic
phrases, and 3) it is unnecessary to posit two different topic positions.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Résumé:Cet article examine l’épineuse question de la position préverbale occupée par le sujet lexical en espagnol et offre une nouvelle explication
pour la contrainte sur la cooccurrence de sujets lexicaux et de constituants focalisés en position préverbale. S’agissant des positions sujet, il apparaît que tant le spécifieur de si que la périphérie gauche peuvent servir comme cible de mouvement, en fonction
de paramètres discursifs. En présumant que pro est un clitique, je soutiens qu’il est possible de ramener la contrainte ci-dessus à la règle suivante : le mouvement d’items focalisés vers la périphérie gauche requiert que le spécifieur de si soit vide. C’est
le cas avec pro (attaché à la tête de si) et également avec les sujets postverbaux. Il s’ensuit que 1) la structure des positions sujet en espagnol est moins complexe qu’on ne l’affirme souvent, 2) les différences entre l’espagnol et d’autres langues à sujet
nul quant à la possibilité de sujets préverbaux se réduisent à la règle mentionnée de même qu’à une structure différente de la périphérie gauche, et 3) il n’est pas nécessaire de postuler deux positions différentes pour les topiques.<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.poll.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.poll.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">The Canadian Shift in Toronto
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Rebecca Roeder<br>
Lidia-Gabriela Jarmasz<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Abstract:This study provides the first wide-scale, apparent time, instrumental description of the Canadian Shift in mainstream Toronto English.
In contrast with some previous findings, the Toronto data suggest that for the last 70 years or more the shift has not affected the high front lax vowel (I). We observe that the movement of the non-high front lax vowels (ε) and (æ) involves both lowering and
retraction in Toronto English, although retraction is the primary direction of more recent change and the shift appears to be slowing down. Our findings also suggest that continued retraction of the vowel resulting from the low back merger is involved in the
final stage of the shift. We do not find evidence of a chain shift but instead propose that a parallel shift is occurring and make reference to Vowel Dispersion Theory in our discussion.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Résumé:Cette étude présente la première description instrumentale en temps apparent de grande envergure du Canadian Shift dans l’anglais courant
de Toronto. En contraste avec certains résultats antérieurs, les données de Toronto suggèrent qu’au cours des 70 dernières années ou plus, cette mutation n’a pas touché la voyelle haute antérieure relâchée (I). Nous observons que le mouvement des voyelles
antérieures relâchées non hautes (ε) et (æ) implique à la fois abaissement et postériorisation, bien que cette dernière représente la direction principale du changement plus récent; de plus, nous observons que la mutation semble ralentir. Nos résultats suggèrent
également que la postériorisation continue de la voyelle qui provient de la fusion des voyelles postérieures basses est impliquée dans la dernière étape de la mutation. Ne trouvant aucune preuve de mutation en chaîne, nous proposons plutôt que le Canadian
Shift est unemutation en parallèle. Nous invoquons la théorie de la dispersion des voyelles dans notre discussion.<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.roeder.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.roeder.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Honorific agreement in Japanese
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Hideki Kishimoto<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.kishimoto.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.kishimoto.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">One-replacement and the label-less theory of adjuncts
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Yosuke Sato<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.sato.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.sato.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics and second language acquisition (review)
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Engin Arik<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.arik.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.arik.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">The locative syntax of experiencers (review)
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Marco Nicolis<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.nicolis.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.nicolis.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">L’enfant dans la langue (review)
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Nelleke Strik<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.strik.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.strik.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="background:white"><strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333">Pragmatics and grammar (review)
</span></strong><span lang="EN" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Cambria","serif";color:#333333"><br>
Dorota Zielinska<br>
<a href="http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.zielinska.pdf" target="_blank">http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v055/55.3.zielinska.pdf</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<i>Canadian Journal of Linguistics</i> publishes articles of original research in linguistics in both English and French. The articles deal with linguistic theory, linguistic description of English, French and a variety of other natural languages, phonetics,
phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, historical linguistics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, first and second language acquisition, and other areas of interest to linguists.
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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