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<DIV class=Section1><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">Syntax<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">MIT PhD thesis 2001<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">Benjamin <SPAN class=SpellE>Bruening</SPAN>; Syntax at the Edge: Cross-Clausal Phenomena and<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">the</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> Syntax of <SPAN class=SpellE>Passamaquoddy</SPAN>;.<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">$14.</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> For ordering information, visit our Web page:<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><A href="http://mit.edu/mitwpl/">http://mit.edu/mitwpl/</A><o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">Abstract<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">This study attempts to understand a variety of cross-clausal<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">dependencies</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> through detailed study of one language, <SPAN class=SpellE>Passamaquoddy</SPAN><o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">(Algonquian).</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> It <SPAN class=SpellE>focusses</SPAN> in particular on three phenomena: successive<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">cyclic</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-movement, <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-scope marking, and raising to object. In<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">exploring</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> these issues I adopt and argue for a recent approach to<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=SpellE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">cyclicity</SPAN></FONT></SPAN></SPAN>, the phase and Agree theory of Chomsky (1998, 1999).<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">The successive cyclic nature of <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-movement is shown to be visible in<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=SpellE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">Passamaquoddy</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> in a phenomenon of agreement with moving operators<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">(<SPAN class=SpellE><SPAN class=GramE>wh</SPAN></SPAN><SPAN class=GramE>-phrases</SPAN>, relative operators, and focus operators). This agreement<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">appears</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> on every verb along the path of movement. I argue that the<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">phase</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> theory coupled with a necessary Agree relation between each verb<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">and</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> a moving operator can account for this pattern, as well as a<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">complex</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> pattern of interaction between types of extraction and verbal<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">morphology</SPAN></FONT></SPAN>.<SPAN style="mso-spacerun: yes"> </SPAN>Successive-cyclic agreement is also able to decide<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">between</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> competing theories of <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-scope marking, a construction in<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">which</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> short-distance <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-movement takes place but gives rise to a<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">long-distance</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> <SPAN class=SpellE>interpreta-tion</SPAN>, through association with a<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">scope-marking</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> element in a higher position. Agreement is shown to take<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">place</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> even with covert movement in <SPAN class=SpellE>Passamaquoddy</SPAN>, in focus<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">constructions</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> and internally headed relative clauses. In <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-scope<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">marking</SPAN></FONT></SPAN>, agreement indicates that one type of scope marking<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">construction</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> involves covert movement of the lower <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-phrase, but a<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">second</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> type (the less restricted of the two) does not.<SPAN style="mso-spacerun: yes"> </SPAN>This fact and<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">others</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> that correlate with the difference in agreement indicate that<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=SpellE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">Passamaquoddy</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> instantiates both of the leading analyses of <SPAN class=SpellE>wh</SPAN>-scope<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">marking</SPAN></FONT></SPAN>: Direct and Indirect Dependencies (van <SPAN class=SpellE>Riemsdijk</SPAN> 1983, <SPAN class=SpellE>Dayal</SPAN><o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">1994).<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">Raising</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> to object is shown to involve a dependency of a different<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">kind</SPAN></FONT></SPAN>: one that is clause-bounded in one respect but not in<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">another</SPAN></FONT></SPAN>. <SPAN class=GramE>Raising</SPAN> to object position does not actually target object<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">position</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> in the higher clause; instead an NP moves just to the edge of<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">the</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> lower clause, where Agree can take place with the higher verb<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">(<SPAN class=GramE>across</SPAN> a clause boundary).<SPAN style="mso-spacerun: yes"> </SPAN>However, <SPAN class=GramE>raising</SPAN> to object apparently<o:p></o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">feeds</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> A-movement in the higher clause; but when it does, I show that<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">the</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> "raised" NP must be base-generated at the edge of the lower clause<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">and</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> not moved out of it.<SPAN style="mso-spacerun: yes"> </SPAN>The reason (the ban on improper movement)<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">follows</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> from the way features are checked in a cyclic derivation. Data<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">from</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> Japanese are brought in to show the cross-linguistic generality<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><SPAN class=GramE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt">of</SPAN></FONT></SPAN> the principles adduced.<o:p></o:p></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE><PRE><FONT face="Courier New" size=2><SPAN style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><o:p> </o:p></SPAN></FONT></PRE>
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