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</o:shapelayout></xml><![endif]--></head><body bgcolor=white lang=EN-ZA link=blue vlink=purple><div class=WordSection1><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'>Right, it is in fact whichever prefix ge-, if they’re not all instance of the perfective. I was a bit sloppy there. Shouldn’t answer emails at night.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'>The loss of –n in strong past participles is very variable, and many verbs have two forms, depending on region or style. Thus the famous got/gotten, in my speech hid ~ hidden (rarely), but in the rest of the class I strong verbs a lot of unpredictability, bite/bitten drive/driven but shit(e)/shit, never *shitten as far as I know in any modern variety, though Chaucer uses it as an attributive (I think the line is ‘A clene shepherd and a shitten shepe’), though it was around at least as late as the `14<sup>th</sup> century. These may not be properly morphologically conditioned sound changes but rather retweakings of morphology. The general behaviour of different affixes, even if phonologically the same, can show differences, and one or more change affecting the same segment-type can occur in the same text.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'><o:p> </o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'>The point about loss of –n in nasal-stem class III verbs is interesting; I’d never noticed that before.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'>R<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div><div style='border:none;border-top:solid #B5C4DF 1.0pt;padding:3.0pt 0cm 0cm 0cm'><p class=MsoNormal><b><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Tahoma","sans-serif"'>From:</span></b><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Tahoma","sans-serif"'> Martin Huld [mailto:ylfenn@earthlink.net] <br><b>Sent:</b> 02 December 2012 11:33 AM<br><b>To:</b> Roger Lass; histling-l@mailman.rice.edu<br><b>Subject:</b> Re: [Histling-l] FW: Histling-l Digest, Vol 67, Issue 7<o:p></o:p></span></p></div></div><p class=MsoNormal><o:p> </o:p></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Arial","sans-serif";color:black'>There is also OE genoh > ME ynow, ynogh > NE enough and OE gewis > ME ywis 'surely'; these would seem to indicate that the conditioning factor was phonological, ie in unstressed syllables immediately before a stressed syllable. While most of these examples would come from the perfect participles, there were other instances. <br><br>Consider the fate of OE final [n]. It was lost in NE (and already in ONorthumbrian and OFris.) in the infinitive and the nominative plural of n-stem nouns; OE writan > NE write; naman > NE name; but it is partially preserved in the perfect participle OE (ge)writen, (ge)giefen > NE written, given. OFris. writa, nama, Now it is certainly subject to later deletion if there is another [n] in the stem ie OE (ge)funden, gesungen > NE found, sung. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Arial","sans-serif";color:black'>-----Original Message----- <br>From: Roger Lass <br>Sent: Dec 1, 2012 4:36 AM <br>To: <a href="mailto:histling-l@mailman.rice.edu">histling-l@mailman.rice.edu</a> <br>Subject: [Histling-l] FW: Histling-l Digest, Vol 67, Issue 7 <br><br><br><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'> </span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'> </span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><b><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Tahoma","sans-serif";color:black'>From:</span></b><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Tahoma","sans-serif";color:black'> Guillaume Jacques [<a href="mailto:rgyalrongskad@gmail.com">mailto:rgyalrongskad@gmail.com</a>] <br><b>Sent:</b> 01 December 2012 01:57 PM<br><b>To:</b> Roger Lass<br><b>Subject:</b> Re: [Histling-l] Histling-l Digest, Vol 67, Issue 7</span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'>Dear professor Lass,<o:p></o:p></span></p><div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'>I think that your message was sent only to me, you may need to send it again to the list </span><span class=apple-style-span><span style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Arial","sans-serif";color:#222222;background:white'><a href="mailto:histling-l@mailman.rice.edu" target="_blank">histling-l@mailman.rice.edu</a></span></span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal><span class=apple-style-span><span style='font-family:"Arial","sans-serif";color:#222222'>Best regards,</span></span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='margin-bottom:12.0pt'><span class=apple-style-span><span style='font-family:"Arial","sans-serif";color:#222222'>Guillaume Jacques</span></span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'>2012/12/1 Roger Lass <<a href="mailto:lass@iafrica.com" target="_blank">lass@iafrica.com</a>><o:p></o:p></span></p><div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'>Just another remark on something that might belong here. There is a change that occurs in many Middle English dialects, where the OE past participle prefix ge- [je] < [i], spelled i or y. It can also delete, but when it remains after about the 13<sup>th</sup> century it occurs only in that form. It persists variably up to at least the 17<sup>th</sup> century, usually spelled y, as in yclept ‘called’ < OE ge-cleopod. No other instances of [je] do this as far as I know, so the change is not only restricted to a particular morphological category but to one member of the category. There are also cases of metathesis and epenthesis in Middle English restricted only to two lexical items, and at least one sound change in Irish that is restricted to one item. I can provide references on those two cases if anybody is interested.</span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'>RL</span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri","sans-serif";color:#1F497D'> </span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><b><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Tahoma","sans-serif";color:black'>From:</span></b><span lang=EN-US style='font-size:10.0pt;font-family:"Tahoma","sans-serif";color:black'> <a href="mailto:histling-l-bounces@mailman.rice.edu" target="_blank">histling-l-bounces@mailman.rice.edu</a> [mailto:<a href="mailto:histling-l-bounces@mailman.rice.edu" target="_blank">histling-l-bounces@mailman.rice.edu</a>] <b>On Behalf Of </b>Guillaume Jacques<br><b>Sent:</b> 01 December 2012 01:34 PM<br><b>To:</b> <a href="mailto:histling-l@mailman.rice.edu" target="_blank">histling-l@mailman.rice.edu</a><br><b>Subject:</b> Re: [Histling-l] Histling-l Digest, Vol 67, Issue 7</span><span style='color:black'><o:p></o:p></span></p><div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p><div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><blockquote style='border:none;border-left:solid #CCCCCC 1.0pt;padding:0cm 0cm 0cm 6.0pt;margin-left:4.8pt;margin-top:5.0pt;margin-right:0cm;margin-bottom:5.0pt'><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'>I would be very grateful for any discussion of this or advice on<br>treatments of this question in literature.<o:p></o:p></span></p></blockquote><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'>This phonetic change in Nahuatl is discussed by Campbell and Langacker 1978, part II (in International Journal of American Linguistics), p.201, ft 43. I think that they were the first to propose a morphological conditioning for the loss of initial *p- (preservation only in verbs and some kinship terms, because they are generally prefixed and therefore *p is not word-initial in at least part of the paradigm).<o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div></div><div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><p class=MsoNormal style='mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto'><span style='color:black'>-- <br>Guillaume Jacques<br>CNRS (CRLAO) - INALCO<br><a href="http://xiang.free.fr" target="_blank">http://xiang.free.fr</a><br> <a href="http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/export_listeperso_xml.php?url_id=0000000003849" target="_blank">http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/export_listeperso_xml.php?url_id=0000000003849</a><o:p></o:p></span></p></div></div></div></div></div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'><br><br clear=all><o:p></o:p></span></p><div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'> <o:p></o:p></span></p></div><p class=MsoNormal><span style='color:black'>-- <br>Guillaume Jacques<br>CNRS (CRLAO) - INALCO<br><a href="http://xiang.free.fr" target="_blank">http://xiang.free.fr</a><br> <a href="http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/export_listeperso_xml.php?url_id=0000000003849" target="_blank">http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/export_listeperso_xml.php?url_id=0000000003849</a><o:p></o:p></span></p></div></div></body></html>