Scrambling and binding in HPSG

[Raúl Aranovich]

Dear Colleagues:

I need help in identifying current analyses of scrambling in HPSG that
address the issue of asymmetries between the SO and the OS orders. In a
recent NLLT paper, Ordoñez (1998) shows that the VSO and the VOS orders in
Spanish contrast in many respects. For instance, a pronoun in the subject
cannot be bound by a direct object that is a quantificational NP in the SO
order (1), but it can in the OS order (2):

1.	*Cuándo felicitó su oponente a cada candidato?
	When congratulated to his opponent each candidate?
	'When did each candidate congratulate his opponent?'

2.	Cuándo felicitó a cada candidato su oponente?
	When congratulated each candidate to his opponent?
	'When did each candidate congratulate his opponent?'

Ordoñez's analysis is that in the VOS order the object is scrambled out of
the VP to a position c-commanding the postverbal subject. He cites similar
analyses for German and Korean (Frank, Lee, and Rambow 1992) and for Hindi
(Mahajan 1992). The data presented in Ordoñez may also be accounted by a
linear analysis, or by an analysis in which postverbal subjects are lower
than objects in an obliqueness hierarchy. This last possibility is the one
that interest me the most, for other reasons. If there is any work in HPSG
that addresses the German, Korean, or Hindi data in these terms, I would
appreciate the reference. Any ideas or suggestions about these topics that
the list can volunteer will be welcome and acknowledged. Thanks,

-Raúl Aranovich


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                 |           Raul Aranovich            |
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