Your mam told my aunt told me

[Carl Pollard]

I have the same reaction to Tibor's example that Georgia
and Paul do.

Most Americans know a song that begins:

(1) There was a farmer had a dog and Bingo was his name, oh!

At least in American varietiess familiar to me, this seems possible
only in THERE constructions. So I don't think it is a generalization
of THAT-less relatives to subject relatives.

Mathematicians, logicians, and phonologists say things like:

(2) a. a precedes b precedes c

    b. phi implies psi implies xi

    c. rule 1 feeds rule 2 feeds rule 3ds rule3.

(1) and (2) seem to have nothing to do with each other.

Carl