'learning paths' instead of parameters

[Levelt, C.C.]

Dear Fritz,

Not really recent, but in 2004 Ruben van de Vijver and I wrote a paper on learning paths in the (phonological) acquisition of syllable structure with exactly the assumptions you mention. I actually do still like this approach! Here is the reference: Levelt, C. & Van de Vijver R. (2004). Syllable types in cross-linguistic- and developmental grammars. In: Kager, R., Pater J. & W. Zonneveld (Eds.) Fixing Priorities: Constraints in Phonological Acquisition. Cambridge University Press. 204-218.

Clara (Levelt)


On Sep 25, 2014, at 7:24 PM, Frederick Newmeyer wrote:

Dear colleagues,

I hope that you don't mind a question from an outsider who has a very small mastery of the acquisition literature.

There is a recently-developed approach to formal syntax that has abandoned the idea of innate parameters directing the course of acquisition. In their place, it posits universal 'learning paths', determined by 'general cognitive optimization strategies', and whose operation to a considerable degree mimics the work once done by parameter hierarchies. In a nutshell, it posits that for any structural (or constructional?) domain, the child makes the most general hypothesis first, and then gradually over time zeros in on the adult grammar.

Let me give a concrete example. Let's say that a language is consistently head-final except in NP, where the noun precedes its complements. However, there is a definable class of nouns in this language do follow their complements. And a few nouns in this language behave idiosyncratically in terms of the positioning of their specifiers and complements (much like the English word 'enough', which is one of the few degree modifiers that follows the adjective).

According to the theory I am describing, the child will go through the following stages of acquisition:
1. First s/he will assume that ALL phrases are head-final, even noun phrases.
2. Next s/he will assume that ALL NPs are head-initial
3. Next s/he will learn the class of exceptions to 2.
4. Finally, s/he will learn the purely idiosyncratic exceptions.

Is there any evidence that acquisition actually proceeds in this 'orderly' manner? I remember from years ago some inconclusive discussion about the 'subset principle', but I would very very interested to hear what you have to say about recent work that bears on the scenario that I have described above.

Thanks!

--fritz

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