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<p class="nflng-tituloresea" awml:style="NFLNG-TITULORESEÑA"
dir="ltr"
style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:24pt;margin-top:18pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Francesco Costantini. Reseña de <a
href="http://infoling.org/search/books/ID/522"
target="_blank">Martínez-Atienza María. 2012. <i>Temporalidad,
aspectualidad y modo de acción. La combinación entre formas verbales
y complementos temporales en español y su contraste con otras
lenguas</i>. Munich: Lincom GmbH</a>. <i>Infoling</i>, 15 de junio de
2012 <<a href="http://infoling.org/informacion/Review142.html"
target='_blank'>http://infoling.org/informacion/Review142.html</a>></span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Tense, aspect, and </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">aktionsart </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">have been the subject of much research in the field of
philosophy of language, semantic theory, and syntactic theory in the
last forty years. Martínez-Atienza’s book contributes to our
knowledge within this field of linguistic investigation by focusing on
three topics: first, the syntactic and semantic properties of temporal
adjuncts in Spanish, and particularly of those introduced by the
preposition </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, ‘since’; second, the interaction between
these adjuncts on one hand and the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">aktionsart</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and
the aspect on the other; third, the comparison between time adverbials
introduced by </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">and the corresponding ones in other languages such
English, French, and Italian. The argumentations and analyses draw
upon the theoretical insight that the properties of time adverbials
determine the characteristics of the predicates they combine with, and
not vice versa.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">The book consists of six chapters. The
introductory chapter presents the theoretical background concerning
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">aktionsart</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> and aspect. Particularly, it discusses and compares four
influential classifications of predicates according to their
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">aktionsart</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, namely Vendler’s (1957), Bertinetto’s (1986),
Smith’s (1991), and Beavers’s (in press), and introduces
Klein’s (1992, 1994) theory of grammatical aspect.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">The first chapter analyzes the time
adverbials in Spanish. Descriptively, these constituents are
distinguished into two categories: indexical time adverbials and
nonindexical time adverbials. Indexical adverbials, which include time
complements denoting a point in time (e.g. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">at 5 p.m., two days ago</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, etc.)</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> </span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">or a
time span (e.g.</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> yesterday,
this month, last year</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">,
etc.), are defined as time expressions that locate an eventuality in a
specific interval within the time arrow. This does not hold for
nonindexical time adverbials, which relate to the lexical or
grammatical aspect of a predicate – a nonindexical category,
since it does not locate an eventuality with respect to time. Three
types of nonindexical time adverbials are singled out, namely,
durative, ‘phase’, and frequency adverbials. Durative
complements refer to the duration of an eventuality and can be
distinguished into two subclasses, quantitative and delimitative
complements. Quantitative time adverbials (such those introduced in
Spanish by the prepositions </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">en</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘in’, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">durante</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘during, for’, and </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">para</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘for’) refer to the duration of an eventuality proper and
are typically followed by quantified nominal complements. Delimitative
time adverbials (such as those introduced in Spanish by the
prepositions </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘since’, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">hasta</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘until’, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde…
hasta</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> ‘from…
to’, </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">entre</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘by’) establish the boundaries of a time
interval. The chapter also analyzes some semantic and syntactic issues
concerning the time complements in Spanish: first, the compatibility
between quantitative adverbials and the different categories of aspect
and </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">aktionsart</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">; second, the syntax and semantics of the adjuncts
introduced by the preposition </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, whose
properties are investigated in greater detail in the second chapter,
and </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">hasta</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">; third, ‘phase’ adverbials, i.e. adverbial
that mark a step within the development of an eventuality, like the
Spanish adverbs </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">ya</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘already’ and </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">todavía</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘still’; fourth, frequency adverbials, like </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">dos veces </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">‘twice’, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">en tres
ocasiones </span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">‘three
times’, </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">a menudo</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘often’, etc.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">The core analysis and proposal of the
book is presented in the second chapter. The chapter deals with the
distribution of the time adverbials introduced by </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> with
respect to the lexical and grammatical aspect of the verb they combine
with. Descriptively, Martínez-Atienza focuses on three phenomena:
first, the prepositional phrases headed by </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> are
compatible with stative and ‘attitudinal’ predicates in the
present, </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito imperfecto</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito
perfecto compuesto </span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">and in
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito pluscuamperfecto</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> – ‘attitudinal’ is here
to be meant in the sense of Bertinetto (1986, 1994), i.e., predicates
denoting an event as if it were a constant attribute of an individual,
e.g. </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">to dance</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> meaning </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">to be a
dancer</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">; </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-adjuncts</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> </span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">are
marginally compatible with activity predicates, but they are not
compatible with nonstative predicates, i.e. accomplishment,
achievement, and semelfactive predicates, in any of the mentioned
tenses. Second, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-adverbials are possible if nonstative predicates are in
the progressive periphrasis </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">estar</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">+gerund,
in the periphrasis </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">llevar</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">+gerund.
Third, they are compatible with nonstative predicates (in any of the
above mentioned tenses), if adverbials like </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">sin parar </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">‘steadily’, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">sin
cesar</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘constantly’, or </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">sin
interrupción</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> ‘without
interruption’, etc., occur within the sentence. These data are
explained by hypothesizing that time adverbials determine the
aspectual characteristics of the predicates they combine with, so that
ungrammaticality results if a predicate does not comply with the
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">aktionsart </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">and aspectual requirements imposed by a time adverbial.
In the specific case of </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">-phrases,
Martínez-Atienza proposes that these constituents impose the
restriction that the predicates they combine with must be stative, and
convincingly shows that this hypothesis explains the data discussed.
The fact that </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-adverbials can occur with stative predicates follows
straightforwardly, as the fact that they cannot occur with achievement
and accomplishment predicates. As for the marginal acceptability of
activity predicates occurring with adverbials headed by </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">,
Martínez-Atienza resorts to Morimoto’s (1998) features theory of
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">aktionsart</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">. According to this theory, activities have more features
in common with states than accomplishments, achievements or
semelfactive predicates. Hence, the fact that activity predicates are
marginally acceptable in combination with adverbials introduced by
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, in contrast with the other nonstative predicates, is
expected under the hypothesis discussed. As for the verbal periphrases
involving the gerund, following much literature on the topic,
Martínez-Atienza claims that they are in fact stative in nature.
Hence, if, by hypothesis, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">-adjuncts
are compatible with stative predicates, the fact that they are
compatible with predicates in the gerund periphrasis is also expected.
Finally, adjuncts like </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">sin
parar</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">sin cesar</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">,
etc., are claimed to shift noncontinuous predicates into continuous
ones, which makes a predicate more alike stative
predicates.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">The third chapter discusses the time
adverbials in English, French, and Italian that contrast more sharply
with the Spanish counterparts. The English, French, and Italian
counterparts to Spanish </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-adverbials are analyzed contrastively in the following
chapters. Particularly, chapter four compares Spanish time adverbials
introduced by </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> and the English ones introduced by </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">since</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">. One
major difference between the two that Martínez-Atienza discusses is
that while </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">since</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-complements are ‘perfect-level’ adverbials (in
the sense of Iatridou et al. 2001) – as they can combine almost
exclusively with perfect tenses, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-complements are compatible with both verbs having
perfective and imperfective morphology. To explain this difference,
the nature of English present perfect and Spanish </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">pretérito perfecto compuesto </span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">is analyzed. Following García Fernandez
(2000), Martínez-Atienza shows that Spanish </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">pretérito perfecto compuesto</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> have two different temporal structures,
namely that of the present, which has perfect aspectual interpretation
(more precisely, resultative, which is only possible with telic
predicates), and that of the nonpresent, having aoristic aspectual
interpretation. English present perfect, on the other hand, is devoid
of the latter time structure. Moreover, English present perfect comes
in two interpretative varieties, the ‘experiential’ and the
‘universal’. To illustrate, the sentence </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">I have lived in New York since 1982</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> is ambiguous between the reading by
which in the time span between the year 1982 and now I have lived in
New York in some occasions (experiential reading), and the reading by
which the eventuality of living in New York overlaps with the entire
time span (universal reading). As for Spanish </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">pretérito perfecto compuesto</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, its perfective interpretative variety
can only have the ‘experiential’ reading, while its aoristic
variety can only have the ‘universal’ reading. The
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">present</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘universal’ reading cannot be achieved in
Spanish through the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito
perfecto compuesto</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> but only
through the present tense. These facts, it is argued, help to clarify
the contrast between the distribution of </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">since</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> does not
posit restrictions on the grammatical aspect of the predicate, because
the </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito perfecto
compuesto</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, unlike English
present perfect, is not able to convey the ‘universal’
reading with the temporal structure of the present. The contrast
between English present perfect and Spanish </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">pretérito perfecto compuesto</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> also sheds light on another issue
concerning the adverbials introduced by </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">since</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">. While </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> can
combine with a time adverbial denoting a right boundary for a given
eventuality (e.g. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">He estado
enfermo desde 1992 hasta 1995</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘he was ill from 1992 to 1995’</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">)</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">since</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> cannot (e.g. *</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">I have been
ill since 1992 to 1995</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">). To
account for this fact, Martínez-Atienza claims that adverbials
introduced by </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">since</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, as perfect-level adverbials, obligatorily combine with
the present perfect, which can only be interpreted as a present
(aspectually perfect). Thus, the eventuality denoted by means of a
predicate in the present perfect, cannot have a right boundary. This
does not hold of course for the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito
perfecto compuesto</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, whose
past (aoristic) reading is compatible with a right
boundary.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Chapter five compares verb forms that
can combine with </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and the
corresponding forms in French and in Italian, namely the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">passé composé</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> and the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">passato
prossimo</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">. Martínez-Atienza
shows that the latter tenses behave similarly to the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">pretérito perfecto compuesto</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and unlike English </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">present perfect</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">,</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">in that they are associated with two time structures. The
chapter also discusses the contrast between the selectional properties
of the Spanish preposition </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and the
corresponding prepositions in French and Italian, namely </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">depuis</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">da</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> presents
a peculiar restriction on its complement, namely, its complement can
be a noun phrase (e.g. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde la
semana pasada</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> ‘since
the last week’), an adverb phrase (e.g. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde ayer</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
‘since yesterday’), a clause (e.g. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde que nos conocimos</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘since we met’), but, crucially, it cannot
take a quantified noun phrase as its complement (*</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde tres semanas</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> lit. ‘since three weeks’). Quantified noun
phrases can only be complement of the expression </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde hace/hacía</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, which, in its turn, cannot take as complement
nonquantified noun phrases, adverb phrases, and clauses. From a
semantic viewpoint, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
introduces time expressions that denote a specific point within the
time arrow, whereas the complement of </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde
hace/hacía</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> denotes a time
span. French </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">depuis </span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">and Italian </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">da</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> behave
differently, since they can take as their complement both
nonquantified noun phrases (e.g. fr. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Il est ici
depuis avant-hier</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, it.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">È qui dall’altro ieri</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> ‘He is here since the day before
yesterday’) and a quantified noun phrase (e.g. fr. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Il est ici depuis deux jours</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">, it. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">È qui da due
giorni </span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">‘He is here
since yesterday’). Another difference much of the chapter
analyzes concerns the tenses that are compatible with time adverbials
introduced by Spanish </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde
hace/hacía</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and the
corresponding ones in French and Italian. Complements headed by
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde hace/hacía</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> are compatible with verbal forms having
imperfective or prospective aspect, though not, crucially, with forms
having perfective aspect, like the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito
perfecto compuesto</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">. Unlike
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde hace/hacía</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, time adverbials introduced by French
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">depuis</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> and Italian </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">da</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> are
incompatible with perfective verbal forms (like the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">passé composé</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> and the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">passato
prossimo</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">) of atelic
predicates, but it is compatible with perfective forms of telic
predicates, despite these tenses display the same temporal and
aspectual properties of Spanish </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">pretérito
perfecto compuesto</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> (cf. sp.
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">*</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Juan ha llegado desde hace dos horas</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> and grammatical sentences fr.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Jean est arrivé depuis deux
heures</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and it. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Gianni è arrivato da due ore</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> ‘John arrived two hours
ago’). The hypothesis proposed to explain this contrast resumes
the basic proposal that time adverbials impose restrictions on the
predicate they combine with. In the case of </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">desde hace/hacía</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">-adverbials and its French and Italian equivalents, the
restriction is proposed that they require that the eventuality they
combine with be uncompleted at the utterance time. This proposal, it
is argued, accounts straightforwardly for the incompatibility of the
time adverbials at issue and the perfective forms of atelic predicates
– they denote indeed </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">complete</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
eventualities. As for the contrast between Spanish on one hand and
French and Italian on the other, Martínez-Atienza adopts
Pustejovsky’s (1991) theory of events. Pustejovsky claims that
telic predicates include in their event structure two subevents. The
first one is the activity aimed at the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">telos</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, the
second is the state resulting from the achievement of the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">telos</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">.
Martínez-Atienza argues that in French and in Italian the subevent
structure is accessible to </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">depuis-</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> and
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">da-</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">adverbials, so that they can denote the duration of the
resulting state of a telic event. Spanish </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde
hace/hacía</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">-adverbials, on
the other hand, are claimed to impose restrictions on the aspect of
the predicate they combine with (one may wonder whether this is due to
the unaccessibility of subevents to </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">desde
hace/hacía</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">-adverbials), so
that they are compatible with imperfective verbal forms only. As a
piece of evidence in favor of this hypothesis, Martínez-Atienza
discusses Spanish </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">tener</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">+past
participle periphrasis (e.g. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Tiene la casa
construida desde hace dos años</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> ‘It is two years since the house was built’),
where the time adverbial denotes the resulting state of the event of
building the house, and the predicate is present and imperfective,
from the aspectual viewpoint.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">To conclude, Martínez-Atienza’s
book discusses many empirical phenomena, presenting many interesting
analyses in a comparative perspective, and may then be recommended to
anyone interested in the domain of tense, aspect and </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">aktionsart</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> of
Romance linguistics (but not only).</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
style="font-weight:bold" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">References</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Beavers, John. In Press. Aspectual
Classes and Scales of Change. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Linguistics</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Bertinetto, Pier Marco. 1986.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Tempo, aspetto e azione nel verbo
italiano.</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Firenze: Accademia della
Crusca.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Bertinetto, Pier Marco. 1994. Statives,
progressives, and habituals. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Linguistics</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
32.391-423.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">García Fernández, Luis. 2000.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">La gramática de los complementos
temporales</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">. Madrid:
Visor.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Iatridou, Sabine, Elena Anagnostopoulou,
and Roumyana Izvorski. 2001. Observations about the Form and Meaning
of the Perfect. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Ken Hale: a
Life in Language</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, ed. by
Michael Kenstowick, 189-238. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT
Press.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Klein, Wolfgang. 1992. The Present
Perfect Puzzle. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Language</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">
68.525- 552. </span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Klein, Wolfgang. 1994. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">Time in Language.</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">London:
Routledge.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Morimoto, Yuko. 1998. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">El aspecto léxico: delimitación</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. Madrid: Arco Libros.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Pustejovsky, James. </span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">1991. The Syntax of Event Structure.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Lexical and Conceptual
Structure</span><span xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">, ed. by Beth
Levin and Samuel Pinker, 47-81. Oxford: Blackwell.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Smith, Carlota S. 1991. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">The Parameter of Aspect</span><span xml:lang="en-US"
lang="en-US">. Dordrecht: Kluwer.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Vendler, Zeno. 1957. Verbs and Times.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US">Philosophical Review</span><span
xml:lang="en-US" lang="en-US"> 66.143-160.</span></p>
<p class="zzzbibliografia"
style="margin-bottom:6pt;text-align:justify;" dir="ltr"
style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt;"></p>
<p class="zzzbibliografia"
style="margin-bottom:6pt;text-align:justify;" dir="ltr"
style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt;"></p>
<p></p>
<p> </p>
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