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<br /><hr /><b>Reseña:</b><br />
Díaz Campos, Manuel, ed. 2011. Handbook of Hispanic Sociolinguistics.
EEUU:
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<p class="nflng-tituloresea" awml:style="NFLNG-TITULORESEÑA"
dir="ltr"
style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:24pt;margin-top:18pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Susana de los Heros. Reseña de <a
href="http://infoling.org/search/books/ID/380" target="_blank">Manuel
Díaz. 2011. <i>Handbook of Hispanic Sociolinguistics</i>. EEUU:
Wiley-Blackwell</a>. <i>Infoling</i> 1.46 (2013) <<a
href="http://infoling.org/informacion/Review160.html"
target='_blank'>http://infoling.org/informacion/Review160.html</a>></span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">There are numerous Spanish
Sociolinguistics textbooks; however, none are as wide-ranging as
the</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Handbook of Hispanic
Sociolinguistics,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> an
ambitious and unique book which offers a comprehensive and updated
summary of what has been done in many areas of sociolinguistics in
Latin America, Spain and the US. The editor, Manuel Díaz-Campos,
selected a distinguished group of international sociolinguists whose
chapters cover different subfields. The chapters detail methods of
analysis and offer illustrative research results obtained from data in
Spanish.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">The handbook is divided into six
sections. The first two sections stem from more traditional approaches
to sociolinguistics and focus on a linguistic level of analysis (i.e.
phonological variation and morphosyntactic variation). Sections three
and six are related to the use of language in society (i.e.,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language, the individual and
society</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">; and </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Language Policy and planning</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> and </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language
attitudes and ideology</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">).
Sections four, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in
Contact,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> and five,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in the United States, Heritage
Language, L2 Spanish </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">deal
with Spanish in contact with other languages in Latin America and the
US. </span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Section I begins with </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Laboratory Approaches to Sound Variation and
Change,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> where Colantoni
describes experimental approaches to study phonetic, phonological and
suprasegmental variation in Spanish. It also reveals how intonation
studies may tackle with issues not considered in conventional studies
such as the use of distinctive intonational patterns in different age
and gender groups. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Variationist
Approaches: External Factors Conditioning Variation in Spanish
Phonology </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">by Medina-Rivera
follows providing details on the traditional Labovian methodology
applied to the study of the variation of Spanish sound patterns in
relation to extra linguistic factors, mainly, social class, gender and
age of speakers. Medina-Rivera adds other extralinguistic factors that
influence variation, such as topic of conversation, type of context,
and discourse etc. which are more novel. Moreno-Fernandez, on the
other hand, discusses the contextual factors that affect phonetic and
phonological variants (and change) in </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Internal
Factors Conditioning Variation in Spanish Phonology. </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Lipski’s </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Socio-phonological Variation in Latin American
Spanish</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> describes in detail
Spanish geographical and dialect internal sound variation, setting the
syllable as the analytic unit. Latin American Spanish linguistics
variants of /s/, /r/, /l/, /b/, /d/, /g/, /ʎ/, /ʧ/, and nasals are
looked over in relation to their position within the syllable: the
onset and the coda. In addition, the few consonantal phenomena that
occur in the </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">nuclei </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">are mentioned</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">
i.e.,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">pues</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">></span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">ps
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">and </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">mi</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">></span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">m</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. Lipski also comments on a few
dialects where Spanish atonic vowels vary: they are being raised
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">(rural areas in Puerto Rico</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">) or deleted (Highlands of Bolivia,
Perú and parts of Central Mexico). The chapter concludes with an
informative summary of the less studied subfield of Spanish dialect
intonation. He shows that intonational patterns (a combination of
pitch accents, boundary tones, relative length, some Spanish dialects
[Buenos Aires, New Mexico, and Northern Mexico]), are the least
studied area in Spanish linguistics. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Sociophonological Variation and Change</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">in
Spai</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">n by Samper Padilla
summarizes the Labovian approach in the study of sociolinguistics
variables in some of the Spanish varieties spoken of Spain.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Schwenter’s</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> Morphosyntactic Variation and Variationist Approaches to
Spanish Morphosyntax</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> opens
section II. It concisely describes the establishment of
morphosyntactic variationist studies by extending beyond phonology
“to uncover exactly what the differences are between the
morphosyntactic variants/ constructions, from the perspective of both
internal and external factors” (124). Morphosyntactic
variationist analysis, he states, can define language rules and
differentiate dialects. Schwenter’s examples are derived from his
collaborative studies on epistemic mood choice, on the (non-) use of
accusative </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">a,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> and on propositional direct objects. Schwenter
emphasizes the analysis of the internal factors and identifies the
lexical and grammatical constraints on competing variants (p. 143).
However, due to the fact that the analyses are drawn from </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Language corpus data</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">, social class and age differences in the use in the
forms are not actually discussed (142). </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Variation and Grammaticalization</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by Rena Torres Cacoullos carefully
examines morphosyntactic diachronic variation of </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">ir + </span><span
style="font-weight:bold;font-style:italic" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">a</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> + infinitive</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> vs. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">synthetic
future</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> and the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">estar + verb-ando </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">as an aspectual construction to detail how
“multivariate analyses (…) reveal changes in the configuration
of factors contributing to variant choice” which are then
interpreted to examine the process of grammaticalization at different
stages (156). Also, two dialects (i.e., Mexican and Peninsular
Spanish) are compared in relation to the preterit/present vs. perfect.
Bentivoglio and Sedano, on the other hand, discuss variation
between </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">para</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> and </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">pa,
había</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> and </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">habían, dequeísmo and queismo</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> in </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Morphosyntactic Variation in Spanish-Speaking Latin
America</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. In Contrast, in
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Morphosyntactic Variation in Spain,
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Serrano examines syntactic
and verbal variation, among others, the conditional vs. the
subjunctive in </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">if
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">clauses, the synthetic and
periphrastic future using the Labovian approach. </span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">The third section </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Language, the Individual, and the Society </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">is more thematically diverse than the
previous two. It begins with </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Aging, Age,
and Sociolinguistics</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by
Richard Cameron who briefly discusses </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">age</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> as
sociolinguistic factor in</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">three
approaches which he calls the</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Indexicality
Approach</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> (where some
language forms or codes are indexed to age), the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Discursive Construction Approach </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">(where age is</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">analyzed
in discursive construction) and the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Constraint
Approach</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> (where age is an
“extra-linguistic constraint or condition on use (209)”,
or a component utilized in Variationism). Cameron’s study of the
employment of address/summons forms </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">hermano/a
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">y</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> joven</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> in a
Puerto Rican Pentecostal church in Philadelphia illustrates the
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Indexicality Approach. </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Also, he exemplifies how the age factor
is employed by variationists in the paradigm he denominates
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Constraint Approach</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. He concludes by stating that
“the place to begin to find out more about age or aging is not
sociolinguistics, but gerontology in all of its multi-disciplinary
endeavors (225).” In the following chapter, </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Gender and Variation: Word-final /s/ in Men's and
Women’s, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Holmquist
examines the role of gender in language variation. He discusses
whether women are more traditional users of standard language than men
(Labov 1991) or whether there is more similarity in the linguistic
behavior between genders within the same social group (Eckert and
McConnell-Ginet 2003). To do so, Holmquist analyzes data from
Castañer, a small town in the Puerto Rican Highlands in a traditional
linguistic area comparing the deletion of /s/ at the end of a word
within the variationist framework. Holmquist concludes that there is
more similarity between men and women. However, young women and female
teachers are the ones that most notably restrain “progressively
more advanced stages of loss, or deletion” of the stigmatized
feature of final /s/ deletion (242). In </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Forms of
Address: The Effect of the Context, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Diane Uber looks at the pronoun address system and its
usage in Spanish in relation to the solidarity and power axis between
interlocutors with special attention to Bogotá, Colombia. Uber
provides historical details on the formation of the T/V Spanish
pronouns of address and then succinctly summarizes the T/V pronoun
distinction in many Latin American countries. The author shows that
the T for solidarity is being used more extensively than the U form in
Latin America except in Bogotá, Colombia. As Uber states,
“[t]raditionally Bogotá has valued deference and respect,
hence, the impression during the 1970s that there was a strong
preference for </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">usted
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">usage.” However, in
her 1995 data Uber noticed that except among family members, the T
form was being more widely used by many young people in contexts were
the U form was employed before. Interestingly, as Uber affirms, this
change has come from the upper social group. In the following
chapter, in </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Becoming a Member of the Speech
Community: Learning Socio-phonetic Variation in Child
Language</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Manuel
Díaz-Campos focuses on how children acquire the sociolinguistic norms
of speech in their communities. To illustrate this, he comments on the
results of his investigation on the acquisition of variation in
intervocalic /d/ and syllable final /r/ in the Spanish of Caracas,
Poplack’s (1978) study of the Spanish in Puerto Rican bilinguals
and other variationist studies in English. Díaz-Campos concludes that
children acquire sociolinguistic variables as well as norms for
stylistic variation (i.e., the use of a more standard pronunciation in
school) at a very young age. The following chapter is </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">The Relationship between Historical Linguistics and
Sociolinguistics</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by Tuten
and Tejedo-Herrero. These authors detail how </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">historical sociolinguistics</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> was born as a hybrid field, combining sociolinguistic
(mainly variationism) and traditional historical linguistic methods.
Tuten and Tejedo-Herrero also reflect on the difficulties in the
fields as well as its advantages. Three research areas that the
authors felt were the most important are commented: (1) “Roger
Wright's sociophilological research” which more clearly explains
how languages functioned in the Middle Ages, (2) theories
of dialect mixing and new dialect formation, and (3) the study of
Spanish standardization as a sociolinguistic phenomenon which offers
‘new insights’ into how Spanish develo</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">p</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">ed. The last chapter of this section is </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">The Acquisition of Variation in Second Language Spanish:
How to Identify and Catch a Moving Target </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">by Kimberly Geeslin. This author
examines several Spanish L2 studies (primarily on the acquisition of
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">ser/estar </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">and subjunctive) to show L2 register variation.
</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">The fourth section termed </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Spanish in Contact</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> is very much thematically interconnected. It begins with
Anna María Escobar’s </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in
Contact with Quechua. </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">There</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Escobar
examines in detail the development of contact features in the Spanish
of Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. This author provides an account of macro
socio-historical and micro sociological factors to contextualize the
discussion. In this way, Escobar is able to provide the reader with an
explanation of how certain linguistic contact phenomena occur
“when appropriate social conditions are met (341).” The
next chapter, </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in Contact with Guaraní
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">by Shaw Gynan, reveals how
complex and distinctive the linguistic situation in Paraguay is.
Indeed, Paraguay is the only country in Latin America where an
indigenous language, Guaraní, is spoken widely by the non-indigenous
population. Gynan points out that Franciscans and Jesuits developed a
writing system and elaborated grammars and dictionaries in this
language and this fact can “be considered a major reason why
Guaraní remained in Paraguay (356).” In this chapter, the
author also illustrates language contact phenomena that have resulted
from Guaraní into Spanish and from Spanish into Guaraní. It was
interesting to learn that even in the Paraguayan Spanish of
groups dominant in that language where there is less influence
of Guaraní, some linguistic “patterns of preference (…) for
non-standard forms (…) appear to constitute evidence of convergence
(369).” In </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in
Contact with Catalan,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> José
Luis Blas Arroyo reviews the most important factors in the formation
and shaping of Spanish-Catalan contact varieties. Blas Arroyo does so
within a historical perspective and accounts for the fact that both
languages are related. Furthermore, Blas Arroyo considers the factors
“that determine the degree of social integration of several
contact phenomena” which range from simple Catalan phonological
and/or morphological interference to language convergence in the two
languages (375). A unique situation is discussed in Chapter 19,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in Contact with Portuguese: the
Case of Barranquenho</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by
Clancy Clemens, Patrícia Amaral, and Ana Luís</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">. </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">These
authors</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">offer an analysis of a mixture of Spanish and Portuguese
spoken in Barrancos, an area that has been disputed between Portugal
and Spain changing hands many times for approximately 800 years (398).
Clemens, Amaral, and Luís examined the features of this
dialect. It is pointed out that Barranquenho was not created for
the function of communication, since the population is bilingual.
On the contrary, “the creation of Barranquenho was (…)
driven initially by predominantly Spanish-speaking people learning
Portuguese because of socio-political circumstances,” and the
dialect is maintained by speakers as a symbol of “the local
cultural identity (414).” These speakers feel they are neither
Portuguese nor Spanish but a mixture of both. In Chapter 20, Ortiz
López examines the </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in
Contact with Haitian, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">an
account of 28 individuals who live on the Dominican-Haitian Border.
Ortiz López compares the null subject parameter usage (i.e.,
presence/absence of the pronoun & SV inversion) in the Spanish of
(a) speakers of L1 Spanish, (b) 2L1 speakers (i.e., speakers with both
Spanish and Haitian Creole bilinguals as an L1) and (c) sequential
bilinguals (that is, L1 Haitian Creole speakers who are learning
Spanish as an L2) in different age groups. The author concludes that
while bilinguals</span><span style="font-family:'Times'"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">with L2 Spanish</span><span style="font-family:'Times'"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">“show a certain delay upon processing the
differences between null and overt pronouns in the discourse-syntax
interface” which makes “them overgeneralize the
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">non-pro-drop </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">rule”, 2L1 speakers have a
“quantitative behavior similar to that of 1L1 (children and
adults) (440).” In Chapter 21, </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Palenque (Colombia): Multilingualism in an Extraordinary
Social and Historical Context,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> Schwegler describes the sociolinguistic landscape of
Palenque (Colombia). Palenque was an isolated region near the coast of
Cartagena where runaway slaves lived for many centuries. This
particular situation, as the author explains, allowed three vernacular
varieties to coexist. These languages are (a) Coastal Spanish, (b)
Palenquero creole (Palenque “is the only community in the entire
South American mainland to feature a Spanish- base creole”), and
(c) “an Africanizing ancestral ritual code intimately associated
with the funeral rite </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">lumbalu</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">
(446).” We learn that bilinguals in their daily life perform
frequent codeswitching between Spanish and Palenquer; however, these
languages are not mixed but maintained separated. In the next chapter,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in Contact with
Arabic</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">, Sayahi outlines the
much more extensive case of bilingualism of Spanish and Arabic. The
author reviews the social and linguistic specific aspects of Spanish/
Arabic bilingualism in Spain (including Ceuta and Melilla), northern
Morocco, the Western Sahara, and northern Algeria as well as in
Argentina. Sayahi also provides examples of the influence of Arabic in
Spanish, which frequently occurs in the speech of L2
speakers.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">The chapters reunited in the section
</span><span style="font-weight:bold" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">V
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in the United States, Heritage
Language, L2 Spanish</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> are of
wide-ranging topics. Chapter 23, </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Spanish in
the United States: bilingual discourse markers</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by Lourdes Torres, examines the use of
English and Spanish discourse markers in the Spanish of heritage
speakers in the US. Torres shows that English </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">so </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">was
frequently used in their speech instead of </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">entonces, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">but
with new meanings which resembled those of its English counterpart.
As can be expected, the less proficient Spanish speakers
utilized more often English discourse markers in their Spanish; that
is, markers from the dominant language tend to replace discourse
markers of the less dominant language. A more theoretical discussion
is taken by Ricardo Otheguy in </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Functional
Adaptation and Conceptual Convergence in the Analysis of Language
Contact in the Spanish of Bilingual Communities in New
York</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. Otheguy offers
different kinds of lexical innovative uses in the Spanish of NYC
(i.e., (a) </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">bildin ‘edificio’, apoinmen
‘cita’, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">(b)</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> máquina de
contestar </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">‘contestador
automático’)</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">where
there seems to be a conceptual convergence between English and Spanish
and reflects on whether these are a result of language contact
between these two languages. Otheguy states that answers to that query
vary depending on the theoretical framework employed (524).
Nonetheless, he concludes that the innovative lexical forms are
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">caused</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> by simplification but that not all cases are due to
language contact.</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">To
explain these innovative uses which resemble English semantics, or
syntactic order, Otheguy rationalizes that the “speakers of the
NYC Spanish contact lects often say different things from those of
speakers of the reference lects for reasons that have to do with
culture, identity, and adaptation to a NYC speech surround impregnated
with the conceptualizations favored by speakers of English
(524).” In 25 </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Code-switching among US Latinos,</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Jaqueline Toribio offers a detailed
overview on the subject. Toribio clarifies that codeswitching (CS),
thought by some to be an undesirable language mix due to language
proficiency deficiencies in one of the languages in contact, CS is a
resource in the bilingual repertoire which is more frequently employed
by the most proficient bilinguals; thus not caused by the lack of
language abilities. Toribio also indicates that CS is a common
practice for bilinguals even though it “is not an </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">essential </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">trait of Latino speech” in the US, in traditional
immigration areas/communities like NYC, Chicago, and Miami
“where two languages are represented and where there is intense
and longstanding contact between them (541).” More so,
“for some US Latinos, code-switching may represent an unmarked
code, a conventionalized norm of social behavior” and in many
cases, also a symbol of identity (541). “The following chapter,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language and Social Meaning in Bilingual
Mexico and the United States </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">by Norma Mendoza-Denton and James Gordon outlines and
discusses the social construction and negotiation of social meanings,
social value and the creation of identities in reference to language
contact phenomenon emerged from Spanish and English (in the US) and
Spanish and indigenous languages (in the Americas). The discussion
reveals the complexity of the negotiation of identity and the value of
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">ethnic</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> group practices. The reader can clearly perceive that
ideologies impact socialization practices and social values. Minority
languages, language contact phenomena such as codeswitching, and
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">ethnic</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> people are usually portrayed in stereotypical ways. More
so, the authors stress “[t]here is overwhelming evidence in the
United States of </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">racialization
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">and </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">foreignization</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">
of both Spanish and bilingualism (558).” </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">However,
there is resistance to this dominant view (561). Chapter 27
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Intrafamilial Dialect Contact
</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">by</span><span
style="font-family:'Arial'" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Kim
Potowski looks into an infrequently studied area: US Spanish language
accommodation, more particularly in bilinguals when their parents
speak different dialects. As Potowski affirms, Spanish in the US is
heterogeneous. Furthermore, in big cities, there is a confluence of
Spanish from many regions, and sometimes they are in contact. Potwoski
refers to Parodi and Santa Ana's (2001) claim that Spanish spoken in
Los Angeles consists of a </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">koiné</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> which
is based on Mexican Spanish. In other cases, when the speakers of
different Spanish dialects do not mix or socialize, there may be
little or no impact on the other group’s dialect. In contrast,
the Spanish of children from mixed couples from Puerto-Rican and
Mexican descent in Chicago (i.e., Mexiricans) (Potowski 2008 and
Potowski & Matts 2008) tend to mold their speech on their
mother’s dialect (590). Guadalupe Valdés and Michelle
Geoffrion-Vinci outline a research agenda to promote the maintenance
of Spanish as well as improve the current educational practices for
heritage learners in </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Heritage
Language Students</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">:
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">The Case of Spanish</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. Valdés and Geoffrion-Vince discuss
the problems in defining </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">heritage
students, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">a term which
generally refers to individuals who have been raised in a
Spanish-speaking home in a non-English dominant environment and as a
result may have different levels of Spanish proficiency</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">.</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Valdés and
Michelle Geoffrion-Vinci provide the reader with a historical synopsis
on development of curriculum and implementation of instructional
practices for </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">non-traditional</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> students of Spanish; that is heritage
students. As the authors indicate, the research on Spanish heritage
speakers’ learning or linguistic attrition has three different
objectives. The first kinds of studies are not interested in education
but concerned on “L1/L2 acquisition and development”
(607), while the second orientation aims at evaluating “existing
pedagogical practices and argues that instruction needs to be directly
informed by research in language maintenance within the field
(608).” The third approach examines the role of heritage
students’ language identity and academic achievement to argue for
the use of speakers’ native language in the classroom. The
authors conclude that to favor “the development and maintenance
of Spanish heritage language resources (…) will require the careful
and systematic investigation of different types of heritage learners
and of the effect of various types of instruction on the development/
re-acquisition of their heritage language (613).” Chapter 29,
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language Maintenance and Language Shift
among US Latinos</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by Jorge
Porcel also addresses, as in the previous chapter, the topic of
Spanish maintenance and shift in the US, although it does it from a
sociolinguistic perspective. Porcel examines the factors that promote
language maintenance and how this varies in Spanish speech communities
around the US. In his concluding remarks the author indicates that it
is impossible to predict whether Spanish is being maintained because
“the dynamics of LM within the US Latino community are complex
and blurry” and “[t]he mere fact that LMLS are ongoing
processes, whose directionality can change at any given moment
(640).” In </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Mockery and
Appropriation of Spanish in White Spaces: Perceptions of Latinos in
the United States</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Adam
Schwartz examines the mechanics of </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">gringoism a
“</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">performance of a
White, monolingual (un)consciousness” (656) which reclaims
in-group membership,</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">and</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> mock
Spanish</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">, a racist type of
linguistic production by monolingual Anglos for humorous purposes.
Schwartz shows how US Anglo’s appropriation and use of Spanish in
the public sphere is a way of performing Whiteness and set it as a
norm. It also serves to index Spanish speakers as the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">others</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> and as
being backwards. In </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language
Policy/Planning, Language Attitudes and Ideology Planning Spanish:
Nationalizing, Minoritizing and Globalizing Performances, </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Ofelia García discusses and contrasts,
in a concise historical frame, language planning (or the lack thereof)
in Spain, Latin America, and Spanish in the US to then analyze
the status of language planning in a global era. García reveals how
differently the planning paths of Spanish have been in Spain and in
Latin America in relation to the US. While in the latter, Spanish was
established as a national language by means of more explicit
legislation and state institutions such as the </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Academia de la Lengua Española</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">, in the US, where the planning of
English has been implicit and without any institutionalized language
institute backed by the State, Spanish “has been planned as a
minoritized language through dominant ideologies and discourse
(667).” However, Spanish has acquired more status as a global
language, thus is attaining more prestige and Latino bilinguals in the
twenty-first century are appropriating its use and projecting their
“multiple globalized Spanishes into the world scene
(667).” The chapter </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Bilingual
Education in Latin America,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">
by Serafín Coronel Molina and Megan Solon, surveys the emergence of
bilingual education for indigenous groups mainly in Bolivia, Ecuador,
Guatemala and Perú. The authors indicate that in the 70’s
indigenous communities in these countries started fighting for more
rights as citizens and claiming for more participation and a better
education. Since they have become more visible in the last
century, their needs have been </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">better</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">
addressed by these states. However, the implementation of bilingual
education is still being negotiated in these areas as indigenous
communities want and demand more self-determination in the
implementation of the programs for them. In Chapter 33, </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Variation and Identity in Spain</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Manuel Hernandez-Campoy outlines how
Spanish variation in the Spanish peninsula emerges as a sign of
different speech communities building/creating their social
distinctiveness. Hernandez-Campoy briefly describes the development
and standardization of Castilian Spanish tied to the Nation-building
process which was intended by the state to create a perception of
national unity and of Spanish identity. Even though Castilian has been
imposed in the peninsula, different dialectal varieties have emerged
because they preserve local values, practices and identities.
The author distinguishes three main dialects in Peninsular
Spanish that he labels: (a) </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Español
estándar</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">, a traditional
Castilian Spanish which is the national standard, (b)</span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> Español sevillano,</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> the regional standard based in Seville, and, (c)
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Español común, </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">an emerging interdialectal/transitional
variety</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">.</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> In fact, these dialects are shaped by two ongoing
antagonistic processes taking place in central and southern Spain. The
first one is a process which causes dialects to converge toward the
standard variety. It affects some transitional varieties in the
middle-Eastern Spanish peninsula such as Murcian and Eastern
Andalusian regional varieties. A more innovative second trend is based
in Seville. Education and the media are among the factors which have
enabled the transmission of more standard forms such as the
distinction between /s/ and /Ɵ/, which was nonexistent before.
The detailed analysis of the cross-sections of the Murcian
dialect shows that there are processes of convergence as well as
practices of the preservation of traditional non-standard features
(i.e., /s/ deletion and vowel opening). This exemplifies the
performing of their speech distinctiveness. Chapter 34, </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Variation and Identity in the Americas</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> by Mercedes Niño-Murcia, looks at the
same process as in 33, but in the new continent. Niño-Murcia begins
by finely detailing the two theoretical models which explain the
symbiotic relationship between language use and identity enactment: an
essentialist and a postmodernist/ constructionist model. Working
within the constructionist theory, this author emphasizes the agency
that subjects have in the process of building and representing
themselves though different means, but centrally with language.
Niño-Murcia also indicates that sociopolitical factors affect
peoples’ views and perceptions of self, and may determine the way
they portray themselves linguistically and in different
situations/contexts. In this chapter, an analytical distinction is
made between the linguistic performance of identity in: (a)
multilingual settings where speakers choose to embrace either Spanish
or an indigenous language, and in (b) contexts where dialect variation
represents not only the social, but also the geographical and
ultimately individuals’ performance of nationality. The examples
provided reveal that language ideologies are shaped by people’s
social and educational experiences, their ethnicity, and national
affiliation. For instance, Niño-Murcia refers to a study that
examined a Kaqchikel-Mayan group that chose their language, Maya, as a
symbol of their ethnicity for self-preservation. There is also a
reference to a Chilean Humorous TV show episode where actors
concentrate on signaling the differences between neighboring Chilean
and Peruvian language varieties (that share many common linguistic
traits) for the performance of Chilean national identity. A third
situation also of identity employing language and mentioned by
Niño-Murcia is that of transcultural individuals. In that case,
speakers show linguistic membership to a community or a group in a
foreign country. Such is the case of Latinos in the US. In the US
“Spanish speakers (…) first find ways to confront language
difference and prejudice, and later develop a code that intertwines
Spanish and English (742).” Clare Mar-Molinero and Darren
Paffey’s </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Linguistic Imperialism: Who Owns Global
Spanish? </span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> closes both, this
section and the handbook. In this last chapter,
Mar-Molinero and Paffey discuss how the term </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Linguistic Imperialism </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">coined by Phillipson (1992) for the English language can
be applied to the Spanish case. </span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Linguistic
Imperialism</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> as defined by
Phillipson (1992: 47) refers to the “ideologies, structures and
practices which are used to legitimate, effectuate and reproduce an
unequal division of power and resources (both material and immaterial)
between groups which are defined on the basis of language
(748).” Mar-Molinero and Paffey see a parallel with the Spanish
situation since Spanish as a global language has become a </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">product or commodity</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> which is promoted by certain organisms which have more
power than others. Indeed, as the authors show, Spain has been able to
sustain linguistic imperialism because it has been able to profit from
the demand of the language as a commodity. It has also been able to
spread and legitimize the peninsular Spanish. Spain has been able to
control the teaching of Spanish in the global market. The </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Instituto Cervantes</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">, as the analysis shows, has been crucial in this
endeavor.</span><span
style="font-style:italic;font-size:10pt;font-family:'Helvetica'"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> </span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Overall, the handbook provides the
reader with a diversity of topics in Spanish sociolinguistics and it
can easily be read by a broad public interested in exploring these
areas. It is done by an international pool of specialists which makes
the book more reputable. I should note that the textbook shows a
tendency, at least in the first sections of the book, to favor the
review of topics within the variationist framework. In a second
edition, it would be interesting to see topics like language and
gender, language and age, and language and socialization discussed,
also, from other sociolinguistic approaches. These are minor
caveats, but overall it is wonderful contribution to the field.
</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
style="font-weight:bold" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">References</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Eckert, Penelope and McConnell-Ginet,
Sally. 2003. </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language and Gender.</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Cambridge:</span><span class="cursiva"
style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES"> </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Cambridge University Press.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Labov, William. 1991. The intersection
of sex and social class in the course of linguistic change.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Language Variation and Linguistic
Change</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> 2.
205-251.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="it-IT" lang="it-IT">Parodi, Claudia and Santa Ana, Otto.
2001. </span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">The Los Angeles Spanish
Koiné</span><span xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. Paper presented at
La Primera Reunión de Pronombristas: An invitational workshop on the
sociolinguistic study of Spanish subject personal pronouns. Graduate
Center, City University of New York.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Phillipson, Robert H.L. 1992.
</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Linguistic Imperialism</span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Poplack, Shana. 1978. Dialect
acquisition among Puerto Rican bilinguals. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Language in Society, 7</span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">, 89-103.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Potowski, Kim. 2008. “I was raised
talking like my mom”: the influence of mothers in the
development of MexiRicans’ phonological and lexical
features.</span><span class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;"
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES"> Linguistic identity and bilingualism in
different Hispanic contexts, </span><span xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">ed. by J. Rothman and M. Niño-Murcia 201-220. New York:
John Benjamins.</span></p>
<p dir="ltr" style="text-align:justify;margin-bottom:6pt"><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">Potowski, Kim and Matts, Janine. 2008.
Interethnic language and identity: MexiRicans in Chicago. </span><span
class="cursiva" style="font-style:italic;" xml:lang="es-ES"
lang="es-ES">Journal of Language, Identity and Education </span><span
xml:lang="es-ES" lang="es-ES">6(3). 137–160.</span></p>
<p></p>
<p> </p>
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