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<br /><b>Infoling 1.16 (2014)</b><br />ISSN: 1576-3404 </font>
<br /><font style="font-size:90%">© Infoling 1996-2012. Reservados
todos los derechos</font>
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<br /><hr /><b>Novedad bibliográfica:</b><br />Sampson, Geoffrey;
Babarczy, Anna. 2013. Grammar Without Grammaticality. Growth and
Limits of Grammatical Precision. Berlin: De Gruyter (Colección:
Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 254. Formato:
Hardcover, 341 págs., ISBN-13: 9783110289770. Precio: 99,95 EUR, USD
140.00)<br /><b>Compra-e:</b> <a
href="http://www.degruyter.com/view/product/183546?format=G"
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/><b>Información de:</b> Infoling List
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<em>Description</em></a></p><hr /><br /><b>Descripción</b><br
/><p> Linguists have standardly assumed that grammar is about
identifying all and only the 'good' sentences of a language, which
implies that there must be other, 'bad' sentences - but in practice
most linguists know that it is hard to pin those down. The standard
assumption is no more than an assumption. A century ago, grammarians
did not think about their subject that way, and our book shows that
the older idea was right: linguists can and should dispense with the
concept 'starred sentence'. We draw on corpus data in order to
support a different model of grammar, in which individuals refine
positive grammatical habits to greater or lesser extents in diverse
and unpredictable directions, but nothing is ever ruled out.
Languages are not merely alternative methods of verbalizing universal
logical forms. We use empirical evidence to shed light on the routes
by which school-age children gradually expand their battery of
grammatical resources, which turn out to be sometimes
counter-intuitive. Our rejection of the 'starred sentence' concept
has attracted considerable discussion, and we summarize the reactions
and respond to our critics. The contrasting models of grammar
described in this book entail contrasting pictures of human nature;
our closing chapter shows that grammatical theory is not value-neutral
but has an ethical dimension.</p><br /><b>Temática:</b> Teorías
lingüísticas<br /><br /><b>Índice</b><br /><p>1 Introduction <br
/>1.1 Grammar before linguistics <br />1.2 All grammars leak <br />1.3
No common logic <br />1.4 “Chicken eat” <br />1.5 The case of Old
Chinese <br />1.6 It cuts both ways <br />1.7 Vocabulary differences
<br />1.8 What can be said about grammar <br />1.9 The computational
viewpoint <br /><br />2 The bounds of grammatical refinement <br />2.1
An experiment <br />2.2 The experimental material <br />2.3 The
analytic scheme <br />2.4 Measuring similarity of analyses <br />2.5
Text complexity <br />2.6 Overall similarity results <br />2.7
Dividing overall discrepancy between annotation categories <br />2.8
Assigning responsibility for discrepancies <br />2.9 Monitoring for
bias <br />2.10 Implications of the experiment <br />2.11 New research
techniques yield novel perspectives <br /><br />3 Where should
annotation stop? <br />3.1 Another way to survey indeterminacy <br
/>3.2 Detailed v. skeleton analytic schemes <br />3.3 The trainability
criterion <br />3.4 Limits to expert decision-making <br />3.5 Some
examples of indeterminacy <br />3.6 Annotation practice and linguistic
theory <br />3.7 A disanalogy with biology <br /><br />4 Grammar
without grammaticality <br />4.1 Strangers or unmet friends <br />4.2
Unfamiliar does not imply ungrammatical <br />4.3 Statistics of
construction frequencies <br />4.4 A range without boundaries <br
/>4.5 Can intuition substitute for observation? <br />4.6 How
intuitions have misled <br />4.7 Is English special? <br />4.8 The
analogy with word meaning <br />4.9 Grammar as an expression of
logical structure <br />4.10 Realistic grammatical description <br
/><br />5 Replies to our critics <br />5.1 Is our idea controversial?
<br />5.2 Geoffrey Pullum’s objections <br />5.3 No virtue in
extremism <br />5.4 Stefanowitsch versus Müller <br />5.5 Trees have
no legs <br />5.6 Law versus good behaviour <br />5.7 Conceptual
objections to our thesis <br />5.8 Do we really mean it? <br />5.9
Grammaticality implied by Universal Grammar <br />5.10 The downfall of
Universal Grammar <br />5.11 Economic growth and linguistic theory <br
/>5.12 Discipline should not contradict discipline <br />5.13 Language
is not “special” <br /><br />6 Grammatical description meets
spontaneous speech <br />6.1 The primacy of speech <br />6.2 An
example <br />6.3 Wordtagging <br />6.4 Speech repairs <br />6.5
Syntactically Markovian constructions <br />6.6 Logical distinctions
dependent on the written medium <br />6.7 Nonstandard usage <br />6.8
Dialect difference versus performance error <br />6.9 Transcription
inadequacies <br />6.10 Dropping the paradigm <br /><br />7
Demographic correlates of speech complexity <br />7.1 Speech in the
British National Corpus <br />7.2 Measuring speech complexity <br
/>7.3 Classifying the speakers <br />7.4 Demographics and complexity
indices compared <br />7.5 “Critical period” or lifelong learning?
<br />7.6 Individual advance or collective retreat? <br /><br />8 The
structure of children’s writing <br />8.1 Moving from spoken to
adult written norms <br />8.2 The language samples <br />8.3 The
suitability of the child-writing sample <br />8.4 Writing
“wordier” than speech <br />8.5 Width v. depth in parse-trees <br
/>8.6 Interim summary <br />8.7 Phrase and clause categories <br />8.8
Use of phrase categories <br />8.9 Use of subordinate clause
categories <br />8.10 The complexity of the relative constructions <br
/>8.11 Simple v. complex relatives <br />8.12 Unanswered questions<br
/> <br />9 Child writing and discourse organization <br />9.1 A fixed
grammatical programme? <br />9.2 New information about a previously
identified object <br />9.3 The new study: data and methods of
analysis <br />9.4 Context frequency <br />9.5 Syntactic patterns <br
/>9.6 Mistakes with relative clauses <br />9.7 The upshot of the
analysis <br /><br />10 Simple grammars and new grammars <br />10.1
Pidgins and creoles <br />10.2 Old Chinese as a counterexample <br
/>10.3 Old Chinese not a creole <br />10.4 Examples of structural
vagueness <br />10.5 Lack of word classes <br />10.6 Logical
indeterminacy <br />10.7 McWhorter’s diagnostics <br />10.8 No tone
in Old Chinese <br />10.9 No inflexion in Old Chinese <br />10.10
Derivational morphology in Old Chinese <br />10.11 An accident of
history <br />10.12 “Hidden” versus “overt” structure <br
/>10.13 Deutscher on Akkadian <br />10.14 Diverse paths of evolution
<br /><br />11 The case of the vanishing perfect <br />11.1 Losses as
well as gains <br />11.2 The Perfect aspect and spontaneous speech <br
/>11.3 The standard system and nonstandard alternatives <br />11.4
Verb qualifiers in CHRISTINE <br />11.5 Past and Perfect <br />11.6
got for HAVE got <br />11.7 Casual subject-auxiliary omission <br
/>11.8 Modals + of <br />11.9 Nonstandard verb forms <br />11.10 A
possible explanation <br />11.11 If one feature can go, what cannot?
<br /><br />12 Testing a metric for parse accuracy <br />12.1 The need
for a metric <br />12.2 Alternative metrics <br />12.3 The essence of
leaf-ancestor assessment <br />12.4 The experimental material <br
/>12.5 Calculation of lineage similarity <br />12.6 Are the metrics
equivalent? <br />12.7 Performance systematically compared <br />12.8
Local error information <br />12.9 Authority is fallible<br /> <br
/>13 Linguistics empirical and unempirical <br />13.1 What went wrong?
<br />13.2 Two kinds of empiricism <br />13.3 Universal Grammar versus
empiricism <br />13.4 Arguments against empiricism <br />13.5 How
empirical should linguistics be? <br />13.6 How intuition has led
linguists astray <br />13.7 Were our intuitions correct after all? <br
/>13.8 Can intuitions be empirical? <br />13.9 Is our characterization
of generative linguistics misleading? <br />13.10 New possibilities
<br />13.11 The Hirschberg survey of computational linguistics <br
/>13.12 The literature sample <br />13.13 Evidence-based,
intuition-based, or neutral <br />13.14 How much evidence counts as
“evidence-based”? <br />13.15 Explicit authenticity claims <br
/>13.16 Raw and smoothed counts <br />13.17 The match between
statistics and history <br />13.18 A rearguard action? <br />13.19
Empiricism reasserted <br /><br />14 William Gladstone as linguist <br
/>14.1 Ducking an intellectual challenge <br />14.2 What Gladstone
didn’t say <br />14.3 Gladstone’s positive contributions <br
/>14.4 Intellectual advance depends on a receptive audience<br /><br
/>15 Minds in uniform <br />15.1 Trivializing cultural differences <br
/>15.2 An earlier consensus <br />15.3 Globalization concealing
cultural diversity <br />15.4 Generative linguistics as a theory of
human nature <br />15.5 Cognitive constraints and cultural
universalism <br />15.6 “Universal grammar” means European grammar
<br />15.7 Honest and dishonest imperialism <br />15.8 Vocabulary and
culture <br />15.9 Universalist politics <br />15.10 Abandoning the
touchstone of empiricism <br />15.11 Intuition-based politics <br
/>15.12 New evidence for language diversity <br />15.13 Conclusion <br
/><br />References <br />Index <br />Table of Contents</p><br
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