[lg policy] Sri Lanka: Language, economic development and social cohesion

Harold Schiffman hfsclpp at GMAIL.COM
Thu Oct 20 14:14:13 UTC 2011


________________________________

Thursday, 20 October 2011


Language, economic development and social cohesion

Keynote address by Prof Rajiva Wijesinha, MP at the third session of
the 9th International Language and Development Conference in Colombo
on October 19, 2011

Language policy in Sri Lanka has been a total mess for the last
century. Unfortunately, most measures taken to remedy the situation
created greater problems. The aim of this paper is to provoke debate
on what should be done in trying to promote economic development and
social cohesion. In that respect I am perhaps luckier than my peers
speaking in other sessions, since the second element in my title
suggests a clear goal, whereas in other cases we are simply given
abstract terms. We need to argue then about what needs to be achieved
with regard to identity, education and the arts, and about these there
might be disagreement. But about the need for economic development
there can be no dispute, just as there can be no dispute about the
need for social cohesion, if we are not, all of us, of all communities
in the country as a whole, to suffer again the anguish of the last few
decades.

What are the problems we face now because of absurd language policies?
With regard to social cohesion, first we have a situation where
members of different communities cannot in general communicate with
each other, because they are straitjacketed in monoligualism. Second,
members of minority communities are at a disadvantage when it comes to
employment, in particular in the state sector, because they do not
know the principal language of administration. Third, springing from
both these factors, members of minority communities cannot readily get
responses when dealing with the state sector. Fourth, where there are
requirements about documentation etc being available in all languages
so that all citizens can gain awareness, there are immense
difficulties and delays about translation.

Economic development

All these contribute to slowing up economic development. But there is
another factor that is even more destructive with regard to
development, namely the difficulties most of our citizens have in
dealing with the world at large. This slows business down
considerably, not only with regard to discussions private individuals
have but also with regard to authorizations necessary from the state
sector. In addition, our officials are at a disadvantage in dealing
with officials from other countries. We can be exploited, unjust
criticisms pass without challenge, deadlines are not met.

How did all this happen? The rot started with the second measure
introduced to overcome what was felt to be the unfair position English
enjoyed in Sri Lanka. The negative feelings this generated can be
summed up in a statement of J R Jayewardene, perhaps the most
preposterous he made in a career marked by blunders, when he
introduced a bill to make education in the mother tongue compulsory.
He claimed then that “... your educational Structure is divided into
two types of educational institutions; some institutions giving
instruction through the mother tongue, and the other institutions
giving instruction through English. This particular defect has created
to my mind, two different nations; one nation learning Sinhalese and
Tamil and speaking in Sinhalese and Tamil, and the other speaking and
learning English”.

Rural youngsters

Amongst the many ironies of this measure was that it had already been
addressed by a more practical visionary. Our first Minister of
Education, C W W Kannangara, had understood the inequity of only a
small minority being able to function in the language of privilege and
power, but instead of leveling downward, he had sought to increase
opportunities for others. He had accordingly begun Central Schools in
all parts of the country where bright children could learn in English
and develop capacities in tune with their intelligence to take their
places as equal partners in society.

Sometimes I wonder indeed if Jayewardene were not just stupid, but
positively evil, in introducing his bill which in effect destroyed
this egalitarian innovation Kannangara had made just a few years
earlier. By insisting that children learn compulsorily in Sinhala or
Tamil, he ensured that rural youngsters were once more deprived of
English.

Different communities

It is more likely however that this was simply unthinking populism
rather than destructive strategy. Fresh from his by-election triumph
at Kelaniya, when he had used religion as a tool to defeat his
opponent E W Perera, he moved to strengthen his chauvinistic
credentials by moving that Sinhala be the only compulsory medium of
instruction. Horrified by this denigration of Tamil, senior members of
the party suggested that Tamil too should be included, which he
accepted. The original motion was also watered down, in that Sinhala
and Tamil were only made compulsory as mediums of instruction at
primary level, and choice was allowed later. But the principle had
been established, and in the early fifties, when Eddie Nugawela was
Minister of Education, he made Sinhala and Tamil compulsory at
secondary level too, by means of regulations.

English speakers

In theory English continued as a compulsory second language, with no
requirement that Sinhalese students should learn Tamil and Tamil
students Sinhala. Doubtless decision makers such as Jayewardene
thought that the different communities could communicate with each
other in English. But, given the hostility to English, given the
absence as he knew well of competent English speakers to become
teachers, given the failure to make it compulsory to pass in English
at any public examination, English was naturally neglected in many
schools. The elite of course continued to practice English, and in
fact science could be done in English for a few years more, which
meant that major schools teaching science continued to use the
language actively, in contrast to the many rural schools which hardly
had science teachers, let alone science teachers who could function in
English.

So inevitably Jayewardene’s claim continued to be valid, with a small
class continuing to function in English and reaping the benefits of
this, while the majority were stuck in monolingualism. And of course
what he does not seem to have even thought of occurred, a solid
barrier to communication between Sinhalese speakers and Tamil
speakers.

For over half a century this divisive and ineglaitarian situation has
continued. In the nineties measures were taken to make Tamil
compulsory for Sinhalese students and Tamil for Sinhalese students,
but no effective steps were taken to produce enough teachers for the
purpose.

Then, in 2001, the Ministry of Education allowed English medium
education to be started at secondary level, but the plans that had
been developed to produce good materials and train enough teachers
were stymied by the change of government. Not entirely surprisingly,
it was Jayewardene’s nephew Ranil Wickremesinghe who seemed determined
to stamp out English medium again, though the commitment of his
Minister of Education, Karunasena Kodituwakku and the support given by
the President, enabled it to survive. Sadly, in spite of the
continuing support of the current President, the stratagem of limiting
English in the rural sector has reared its head again, with the
withdrawal of permission to teach History in English. Thus English
will once again be the preserve of schools that teach science, and the
vast majority who do arts subjects will have no incentive to try to
learn in English.

One argument for restricting English medium with regard to history is
that it must be taught in the mother tongue, so as to preserve our
national culture. This is preposterous, because it suggests that
science and mathematics are nothing to do with culture. Rather, the
argument is in line with the mindset that seemed determined to keep
our youngsters in ignorance of the world around them. The National
Institute of Education managed for instance during one memorable
period to avoid mention of the Industrial Revolution and the French
Revolution in the entire grade span of secondary school. Sadly these
so-called professional educationists do not seem to understand that
with knowledge comes power, not deracination.

Innovative ideas

Given the massive impact the world has on all of us now, to propagate
ignorance is culpable. But the question arises whether this should be
forgiven because it also springs from ignorance, an incapacity to read
and know current trends in historical studies, so that we continue to
see history as a collection of facts that are repeated and learnt by
heart, not a discipline that encourages comparing and contrasting and
understanding of the different compulsions that led countries in
different directions during different periods.

In short, the idea that history like science should be about thinking,
with discriminating knowledge of the subject to make it applicable to
one’s current situation, is beyond our educationists. Despite this
many able youngsters manage to explore and produce innovative ideas.
But if we could permit them to do this without one hand tied as it
were behind their backs, we would develop much more quickly.

The second reason given for not doing more to promote English medium
education, and allow even schools concentrating on arts subjects to
encourage their students to do more in English, is that there are not
enough teachers. This springs from the fact that the teacher training
programmes begun in 2002 were stopped, and instead the NIE went back
to the old traditional systems that have led to even teachers of
English as a subject not being able to fulfil their responsibilities
satisfactorily. They concentrate on theory rather than practicing the
language, they see their role as ensuring rote learning rather than
discussion and understanding.

In this regard, as with other areas in which the education system
keeps children in rural areas deprived through teacher shortages, it
is necessary to think outside the box. If the state system has failed
over several decades to produce enough teachers, and to ensure that
they are deployed in the areas that need them most, clearly it is
necessary to look at a different methodology.

In this regard, as with other areas in which the education system
keeps children in rural areas deprived through teacher shortages, it
is necessary to think outside the box. If the state system has failed
over several decades to produce enough teachers, and to ensure that
they are deployed in the areas that need them most, clearly it is
necessary to look at a different methodology.

The President advanced in his 2005 manifesto the idea of school based
recruitment of teachers, and he has mentioned this again recently, but
the Ministry of Education, along with Provincial Ministries of
Education, will not permit this, not least because the power they have
will be reduced.

Without that I believe we will never solve the problem of shortages in
rural areas that contribute to increasing disparities. I hope
therefore that the Ministry of Social Integration will promote change,
drawing attention to the manner in which unequal opportunities led to
much social unrest in the last half century.

In this regard another measure that seems desirable is the
facilitation of private sector teacher training, in particular in
science and mathematics and languages, not just English but also
Sinhala for Tamil students and Tamil for Sinhala students.

There are no sensible arguments against this, what is often heard
being the claim that the private sector is interested only in money
and therefore cannot be counted on to maintain good standards. The
obvious answer to that is to require accreditation by the state, if
necessary by introducing a state examination as is done with regard to
the professions for those who qualify in other countries and in
institutions within Sri Lanka that are not run by the state.

In addition to providing a pool of teachers who could be used in areas
which now get few teachers in essential subjects - and teachers who
could be employed specifically for a single school, to ensure that
they will not get themselves transferred out the minute they have
confirmed employment - private teacher training institutes could also
help us regain the position we once held of being a source of good
teachers for the region. In the old days our teachers were hired in
Malaysia and Africa and the Middle East, but unfortunately this
practice is in abeyance except for the few who are competent in
English. If the state system cannot provide the training that will
allow our youngsters to take advantage of the opportunities available
for good teachers, it is churlish to prevent private institutions
fulfilling this need.

One of the corollaries of better language education nationwide, and
extending opportunities for English medium, is the possibility of
developing student exchanges. We need to do much more of this, not
just in sports, but also in cultural activities that allow joint
performance, and also in learning together and exchanging ideas. I
still recall the workshop Trinity College conducted shortly after
English medium commenced, for students from Colombo and Kandy and
Jaffna and Batticaloa, and also for students from two state schools in
the region that had taken on the challenge of providing English medium
classes for their students who otherwise would never have had
opportunities to practice the language. There should have been much
more of this, but with the blight that the Wickremesinghe regime cast
over English medium, no efforts were made to add value to the
programme.

One aim indeed of the programme initially had been to encourage
working together, if possible by schools running joint classes. For
instance the shortage of teachers in English medium at Advanced Level
could have been addressed by a few schools working together, with
students of different communities coming together for particular
classes. Indeed this concept could be taken further, as suggested to
me by three principals of relatively small schools in Mutur. At the
height of the conflict, in which indeed Mutur had suffered badly, they
suggested that their three schools could be combined into one English
medium school. Instead of each school having a cadre of 20 odd
teachers, with the actual number on roll being much less, a combined
school would have the same cadre which would then be complete in
actuality. And if it was argued that no English medium teachers were
available, clearly the existing teachers could be trained through an
intensive course that would cost less in the long run than having to
find and pay for a much larger cadre.

Unfortunately I see no effort at the Ministry of Education or in
Provincial Ministries to bring students of different communities
together into a single school. Such an initiative would help
considerably with the current appalling shortages of teachers in the
plantation sector for instance, and in much of the Eastern Province.

This would do much for social integration and also increase skills in
a manner that would help considerably with economic development. But
unfortunately we continue to think of education as being a theoretical
construct, without considering its impact of the social and economic
needs of the country.

I have dwelt much on this topic which might have seemed outside my
brief, given that there is another session scheduled on Language and
Education and Social Integration. But I hope my argument, which has
addressed all the questions cited with regard to my topic, as well as
some raised with regard to other topics, has made clear the centrality
of a saner and more productive education and teacher training system
if we are to achieve the goals of economic development and social
integration we aspire to, and which our youngsters who have suffered
so much now deserve.

________________________________

Produced by Lake House Copyright © 2006 The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.

http://www.dailynews.lk/2011/10/20/fea01.asp
--
**************************************
N.b.: Listing on the lgpolicy-list is merely intended as a service to
its members
and implies neither approval, confirmation nor agreement by the owner
or sponsor of the list as to the veracity of a message's contents.
Members who disagree with a message are encouraged to post a rebuttal,
and to write directly to the original sender of any offensive message.
 A copy of this may be forwarded to this list as well.  (H. Schiffman,
Moderator)

For more information about the lgpolicy-list, go to
https://groups.sas.upenn.edu/mailman/
listinfo/lgpolicy-list
*******************************************

_______________________________________________
This message came to you by way of the lgpolicy-list mailing list
lgpolicy-list at groups.sas.upenn.edu
To manage your subscription unsubscribe, or arrange digest format: https://groups.sas.upenn.edu/mailman/listinfo/lgpolicy-list



More information about the Lgpolicy-list mailing list