<div>Introducing Sociolinguistics<br><br>Announced at <a href="http://linguistlist.org/issues/17/17-3010.html">http://linguistlist.org/issues/17/17-3010.html</a> <br>Meyerhoff, Miriam <br>Introducing Sociolinguistics <br>2006 Routledge: Taylor and Francis
<br><br>Rania Habib, Program in Linguistics, The University of Florida <br><br>DESCRIPTION </div>
<div><br>_Introducing Sociolinguistics_ is a textbook intended for teaching introductory <br>sociolinguistic courses at the undergraduate and graduate levels, giving <br>instructors directives on how to use the book and what to expect from readers.
<br>However, the textbook can be used as a very good reference by sociolinguists <br>because it covers most of the major areas in sociolinguistics and most of the <br>important studies that have been done in this field and that set a starting
<br>point for research in this area. The textbook introduces both quantitative and <br>qualitative methods of analyzing sociolinguistic data. It starts with language <br>variation and change studies in relation to style and attitudes. It also deals
<br>with politeness theory and its interaction with style of speech and variation as <br>well as language attitude. It also delves into the language choices people make <br>in multilingual societies. In returning to the discussion of variation, the book
<br>explores studies done in real time and apparent time and shows the advantages <br>and disadvantages of each method. Then, the textbook looks at the correlation of <br>various social factors with language variation and change, starting with social
<br>class, social networks and communities of practice, and then moving to gender <br>and language contact. The textbook closes with comments on the direction of <br>sociolinguistics, the importance of spontaneous speech in sociolinguistic
<br>studies, as well as a summary of the most important motivations of language <br>variation and change and the indication that variation occurs as a result of <br>multiple causes. <br><br>Chapter 1 is an introduction to the textbook. It raises many questions such as
<br>''What is sociolinguistics?'' and ''How do sociolinguists study sociolinguistics?'' <br>(p.1). Answering the first question seems to be difficult because it is very <br>hard to give a thorough definition of sociolinguistics. The chapter settles on
<br>defining sociolinguistics as the study of language in use. It further explains <br>the reason that people from various academic fields take a course in <br>sociolinguistics and also gives a short description of the book content and the
<br>content of the various chapters. It concludes with a note to instructors on <br>quantitative and qualitative methods as complementing each other and assures the <br>reader that deep knowledge of quantification is not necessary to understand the
<br>charts and the quantitative studies; it suffices to have knowledge of <br>percentages and weightings for the frequency of a linguistic form. <br><br>Chapter 2 represents a historical perspective of the methodological and
<br>theoretical background of sociolinguistics. It emphasizes the fact that what was <br>called 'free variation' in the past no longer exists because variation is not <br>only conditioned or constrained with linguistic factors but it is also
<br>constrained with social and attitudinal factors. These social factors are the <br>backbone that shapes and defines the various existent forms of variation: <br>interspeaker and intraspeaker. They also explain to a great degree why variation
<br>occurs and make predictions about the direction of language change. Thus, social <br>constraints are presented as part of the bridge that connects language variation <br>with language change. By presenting one of the earliest studies in
<br>sociolinguistics – the Martha's Vineyard Survey that was executed by William <br>Labov in 1961 – Meyerhoff sets the grounds for the earliest methods of data <br>collection and analyses, stressing the shift towards naturally occurring speech
<br>in sociolinguistic studies. Opening the discussion of the book with a reflection <br>on the history of sociolinguistics opens the way for further discussion of and <br>elaboration on the topics mentioned in this chapter in the following chapters.
<br><br>Chapter 3 runs through the various theories that account for intraspeaker style <br>shift. It starts by viewing Labov's (1972) attention to speech theory and the <br>different interview methods used to elicit different styles from the same
<br>speaker. The chapter moves to present challenges of this approach to style <br>variation, particularly Bell's (1984) audience design theory with reference to <br>Giles' (1973) accommodation theory and Coupland's (2001) speaker design theory.
<br>Labov believes that speakers shift their style of speaking because of the <br>attention they pay to their speech in certain contexts or situations, an <br>egocentric view of variation. Bell, on the other hand, views style shift of
<br>speech as a social component; our social surroundings prompt us to attune our <br>speech to the situation, context, or interlocutor. Coupland's (2001) speaker <br>design theory is even more refined than the audience design theory, in that the
<br>speaker shifts his/her style according to how s/he would like to present <br>him/herself to others. The chapter also acquaints the reader with the <br>differences between terms, such as overt prestige and covert prestige; accent,
<br>dialect, and variety; and terms such as speech community, observer's paradox, <br>and participant observation. <br><br>Chapter 4 considers the relationship between language and attitudes expressed <br>towards other varieties and speakers of those varieties and how those attitudes
<br>are reflected in language. Meyerhoff starts with how attitudes towards gender <br>are reflected in language through historical survey of semantic shifts of <br>certain terminology towards more derogatory meaning, particularly terms used to
<br>describe women. Thus, the chapter shows that one can learn a great deal about <br>social attitudes from studying historical drifts and concurrent use of words. It <br>further shows that social factors can influence people's perception of language
<br>and different dialects. The chapter elaborates on social identity theory (Tajfel <br>1978) and communication accommodation theory (Giles 1973), which indicate that <br>individual and social identities could influence our attitudes towards others
<br>and language as well as our choice of language. Both theories imply that <br>speakers converge to or diverge form a certain dialect or group identity because <br>of certain perceptions and attitudes they have about that dialect or group.
<br><br>Chapter 5 views politeness strategies as sociolinguistic variables. These <br>strategies differ from other sociolinguistic variables that are realized as <br>different variants that are ''semantically equivalent'' (p. 100). Politeness
<br>strategies are not realized in the same way and they differ in meaning and <br>function according to the context. Different politeness strategies can be used <br>to attend to different social settings, needs, or situations. The degree of
<br>politeness depends on the interlocutor: a friend or less familiar people. These <br>strategies also vary according to cultural and identity differences as well as <br>the type of society. The chapter touches on various theories of politeness and
<br>their application ''to other fields, such as workplace interaction and <br>intercultural communication'' (p. 83). Meyerhoff elaborates on politeness theory <br>propounded by Brown and Levinson (1987) and presents a number of studies that
<br>pose a challenge to the theory, particularly those that focus on collective <br>societies, such as Japan (Ide 1989) rather than individualistic societies, such <br>as Australia and the US. <br><br>Chapter 6 explores language choice in multilingual communities, indicating that
<br>choice of language is influenced by the ''demographic, social and institutional <br>strength of a language and its speakers'' (p. 103), which is referred to as <br>'vitality'. The chapter also shows that multilingual speakers choose to speak in
<br>one language and not the other based on the context, function, interlocutor, or <br>on whether the speaker is an in-group person or an out-group person. This is not <br>to mention ''issues of self-determination, identity and culture'' (p. 103), which
<br>play a major role in defining and implementing language policies in multilingual <br>societies. Another interesting aspect that the chapter deals with is code <br>switching and code mixing, which are motivated by the situation, the
<br>interlocutor, and the message one desires to convey. <br><br>Chapter 7 shifts to variationist studies by exploring the notions of 'apparent <br>time' and 'real time' and the advantages and disadvantages of each of these
<br>methods of research in indicating sound change. In testing the constructs of <br>apparent time and real time, panel studies, such as Bloundeau et al (2003) <br>showed that ''the apparent time method is by and large a very good method for
<br>inferring directions and speed of language change in a community'' (pp. 141-142). <br>This poses a challenge to the view that direction of change can only be inferred <br>from real time studies that compare apparent time forms with previous or
<br>historical forms to see where change is going. On the other hand, a trend real <br>time study by Pope (2002) refutes apparent time predictions. However, the <br>chapter stresses that both kinds of studies are important and complement each
<br>other in finding the direction of change. The chapter also highlights the <br>significance of investigating lifespan changes and generational changes, which <br>could be relevant to intraspeaker variation when acquiring a language: be it a
<br>child or an adult. Simultaneously, intraspeaker variation within a community can <br>be investigated by comparing a group's speech in real time at different points <br>in time. Hence, these methods can help in both accounting for the ''developmental
<br>(i.e. individual) and social (i.e. group) phenomenon that language variation is'' <br>(p. 154). <br><br>Chapter 8 introduces social class as a variable that interacts with stylistic <br>variation, the individual's linguistic behavior identifies with a group's
<br>linguistic behavior. Variation occurs in the speech of such individuals for <br>reasons of maximizing their fit into a group or minimizing this fit and <br>associating with a different group. The problem with social class effects is
<br>that social class is not stable; people move up or down the social scale based <br>on opportunities and aspirations. From here stems the difficulty of identifying <br>and assigning a social class. This difficulty in categorizing social class led
<br>to its falling ''somewhat out of favor in sociolinguistics these days as a <br>non-linguistic variable for study'' (p. 182). For this reason, one finds shift <br>towards analyzing variation in terms of individual identities. However, one
<br>cannot ignore the fact that class or group behavior as individual identities are <br>closely related and studies focusing on individual identities analyses should be <br>complemented by large group studies to examine how group behavior could
<br>influence individual behavior and vice versa. Thus, social class should remain <br>an important variable that could be tackled by sociolinguists for ''practical and <br>theoretical'' (p. 183) reasons.
<br><br>Chapter 9 shifts to address the impact of domain and addressee on people's way <br>of talk. It indicates that social class, social networks (Milroy and Milroy <br>1991) and communities of practice (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992) are three
<br>different categories in sociolinguistic research and should be used with <br>different kinds of data to analyze and understand linguistic variation in a <br>broader term. Social class studies and network studies should complement each
<br>other. Some studies require different categorization from the larger group <br>categorization of social class. From here stems the importance of social <br>networks and communities of practice research, which focuses on smaller groups
<br>of speakers among whom language variation and language use carry a significant <br>linguistic meaning. Exploring these smaller layers of social structure enables <br>us to discover the social meaning for linguistic variables in the same way that
<br>larger layers do. <br><br>Chapter 10 starts with indicating the difference between the use of the terms <br>'sex' and 'gender' in sociolinguistic studies. It reflects on studies in gender <br>and language and the contribution of different identities and association with a
<br>specific gender to language variation and use. The use of particular terminology <br>as well as morphology in some languages is closely connected to gender. In most <br>sociolinguistic studies, gender has played such a major role in language
<br>variation and use that the findings of those studies were summarized in three <br>main generalizations in Labov (2001). The study of gender and language has <br>shifted recently from models correlating linguistic variants to models that view
<br>social identities and gender as changing through an ''individual's experiences'' <br>and ''personal histories'' (p. 225). The chapter shows that gendered behaviors <br>could be used by speakers strategically. This chapter raises the question of how
<br>''social attributes such as class, attributes like formality of style, and gender <br>come to pattern in consistent ways with respect to each other'' (p. 231). The <br>study of gender and language is further concerned with ''the extent to which
<br>gender identities and sexuality are linked'' (p. 231). <br><br>Chapter 11 discusses the influence of language contact on variation and change. <br>It introduces the terms 'dialect leveling', 'lingua franca', 'pidgin', 'creole'
<br>and other terms that may result from language contact. By presenting case <br>studies from Tok Pisin and Bislama creoles, whose lexifier is English, Meyerhoff <br>shows that the variation in New York City English (regarding r-full and r-less)
<br>is related to contact ''between closely related varieties of one language'', <br>whereas the variation in Bislama is due to contact ''between mutually <br>incomprehensible languages'' (p. 257). The chapter touches on various methods of
<br>analyzing language contact, such as the wave model and the gravity model. <br>However, the general principles method of analyzing language contact provides <br>better understanding of the outcomes of language contact'' because it takes into
<br>account the ''semantics of an innovative variant, the language-specific <br>constraints of the varieties in contact, and the communicative needs of the <br>speakers'' (p. 262). <br><br>Chapter 12 provides a summary that connects the beginning of the book with the
<br>end. By returning to the most common motivations for language variation and <br>change from Chapter 2 (p. 24), Meyerhoff accentuates the fact that <br>sociolinguistic variation requires investigation on various levels and from
<br>various angles to arrive at a more precise response to the direction of <br>variation. This chapter also comments on the direction of sociolinguistics and <br>the importance of spontaneous speech in sociolinguistic studies.
<br><br>EVALUATION <br>The book can serve as a good textbook for introductory courses to <br>sociolinguistics. It covers all the major areas in sociolinguistics, including <br>methods of data analyses. It is a comprehensive book for those who are
<br>interested in learning about language and use and what sociolinguists study. At <br>the beginning of each chapter, there is a list of new terms that will be <br>introduced in it. The book gives marginal definitions of important terminology
<br>as the reader reads on in addition to the well-defined glossary of terms at the <br>end of the book. This is not to mention the facts and explanations of <br>significant issues and connections of theories enveloped in boxes within the
<br>main text. After the discussion of a certain method or the end of a particular <br>topic, a set of exercises are provided to the reader to stimulate thought and <br>discussion. These exercises are commented on later in the book. This makes the
<br>book a very handy tool for teaching and learning sociolinguistics at the <br>undergraduate and the graduate levels. Meyerhoff's style of writing is very <br>clear, systematic, and well organized in that one point leads to another; it is
<br>endowed with narrative like sensation, and fluent and elaborate explanation. The <br>book contains well-chosen examples, illustrations, tables and figures for <br>clarifying a point or a theory. The illustrations interweave with the text in a
<br>flowing, successive manner. Meyerhoff chooses to go into small and hefty details <br>so as to make the text extra comprehensible and reader friendly to both the <br>general reader and the researcher. Most of the chapters start with an anecdote
<br>or a narrative that stimulates interest in what is coming next. Actually, the <br>whole book somehow resembles a narrative of the sociolinguistic story, which I <br>find very appealing, enjoyable, and fun to read. The index (of topics) towards
<br>the end of the book is very helpful to look up a particular topic that has been <br>covered in the main text. <br><br>REFERENCES <br>Bell, Allan. (1984). 'Language style as audience design'. _Language in Society_
<br>13: 145- 204. <br><br>Bloundeau, Hélène, Gillian Sankoff and Ann Charity. (2003). 'Parcours <br>individuels et changements linguistiques en cours dans la communaté francophone <br>montréalaise'. _Revue Québécoise de Linguistique_ 31: 13-38.
<br><br>Brown, Penelope and Stephen Levinson. (1987). _Politeness: Some Universals in <br>Language Use_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <br><br>Coupland, Nikolas. (2001). 'Language, situation and the relational self:
<br>theorizing dialect-style in sociolinguistics'. In Penelope Eckert and John R. <br>Rickford (eds), _Style and Sociolinguistic Variation_. Cambridge: Cambridge <br>University Press, 185-210. <br><br>Eckert, Penelope and Sally McConnell-Ginet. (1992). 'Think practically and look
<br>locally: language and gender as community-based practice'. _Annual Review of <br>Anthropology_ 21: 461-490. <br><br>Giles, Howard. (1973). 'Accent mobility: a model and some data'. <br>_Anthropological Linguistics_ 15: 87-105.
<br><br>Ide, Sachiko. (1989). 'Formal forms and discernment: two neglected aspects of <br>universals of linguistic politeness'. _Multilingua_ 8: 223-248. <br><br>Labov, William (1972) _Sociolinguistic Patterns_. Philadelphia: University of
<br>Pennsylvania Press. <br><br>Labov, William. (2001). _Principles of Linguistic Change: Social Factors_. <br>Oxford: Blackwell. <br><br>Milroy, James and Lesley Milroy. (1991). _Authority in Language: Investigating <br>
Language Prescription and Standardisation_ (2nd ed). London: Routledge. <br><br>Pope, Jennifer. (2002). The social history of a sound change on the island of <br>Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts: forty years after Labov. Unpublished MA
<br>dissertation, Department of Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, University of <br>Edinburgh. <br><br>Tajfel, Henry. (1978). 'Interindividual behaviour and intergroup behaviour'. In <br>Henry Tajfel (ed.), _Differentiation between Social Groups: Studies in the
<br>Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations_. London/New York: Academic Press, 27-60. <br><br>ABOUT THE REVIEWER <br>Rania Habib is a Ph.D. Candidate in Linguistics at the University of Florida. As <br>a Fulbright student, she completed her master's degree in linguistics at the
<br>University of Florida in 2005. Rania is interested in sociolinguistic variation <br>and change and her current research involves the application of Optimality <br>Theory and the Gradual Learning Algorithm to sociolinguistic variation and
<br>change. She is also interested in Pragmatics, Second Language Acquisition, and <br>Syntax.<br><a href="http://linguistlist.org/issues/18/18-2420.html">http://linguistlist.org/issues/18/18-2420.html</a></div>
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