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<h4 class="">Towards true language federalism</h4>
<span class="">— By <span class=""><a href="http://freepressjournal.in/towards-true-language-federalism/"><b>Garga Chatterjee</b></a></span></span>,
<span class="">August 05, 2014 12:05 am</span>
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<p style="text-align:justify">The new Union government seems
hellbent on Hindi-fying the regime and its activities. The original
party of the upper Gangetic plain bazaar class is back at doing what
Hindiwallahs used to do regularly before Tamils showed them some serious
spine. The Union government’s insistence on Hindi promotion by any
means necessary and other unnecessary means. At this juncture, one must
again question the relationship between people, power and language in a
multi-national state like the Indian Union. And if that state wants to
be humane and representative, what should its language policy look like?</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">How does one fight this ‘rajbhasha’
language monster that haunts the majority? On the question of certain
myths of ‘full Indianness’ and how to go about dealing with it, we need
to turn to Gujarat. This first requires finding out the truth and then
asserting one’s rights in the face of marginalisation. In 2010, the
Gujarat High Court let people know the obvious – Hindi is not the
national language of the Indian Union. Hindi is the mother-tongue of
only a quarter of the population, while the staggering majority speak
Sindhi, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, Kannada, Konkani, Santhali, etc. as
well as languages like Maithili, Marwari, Mewari, etc. which ‘census
Hindi’ enumerators cunningly classify as ‘Hindi’, to give a false
impression of Hindi’s numerical might.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">Certain rootless urban classes of people
born in non-Hindi/English homes earn cosmopolitan brownie points by
their ‘inclusiveness’, which basically means shunning their
mother-tongues and birth-culture. The Union government is only too happy
to promote this brand of ‘Indianness’, where Hindi/English is the
‘mainstream’ and the rest is pejoratively ‘regional’ (that Tamil is not a
‘national’ language is an artifact of the British-forged administrative
unity of the subcontinent). This is why it increasingly has the gall to
communicate to non-Hindi people in Hindi. Fortunately, there are still
many such people in the subcontinent who do not think that their primary
goal in life is to make Hindi and English speakers feel ‘at home’
everywhere by switching from their mother tongue.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">They also assert the right of being
spoken to in their home state in the language of the state. Again in
2010, villagers in the Junagadh area of Gujarat challenged the land
acquisition made by the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI). The
NHAI had issued a notification for acquisition in Hindi. The villagers
did not understand Hindi and hence they were not notified. The Gujarat
High Court termed the notification and the land acquisition as null and
void. While doing so, it also observed that for the villagers, ‘Hindi
language used in the notification is a foreign language.’</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">Guess what, Junagadh is not Delhi,
Coimbatore is not NOIDA and the subcontinent has many linguistic nations
(Punjab, Tamil Nadu, etc.), as foreign to each other as Nepal is to
Tamil Nadu, cohabiting within a common administrative framework called
the Indian Union. This term ‘foreign’ is particularly painful for the
Hindiwallahs, who never tire asserting English’s foreignness vis-à-vis
Hindi indigenousness.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">By creating a Hindi versus English
divide, they seek to obfuscate the greater divide of power verses
powerlessness, in which English and Hindi are languages of power. The
villagers of Junagadh have shown the way to challenge the language of
the powerful at every step – every notification, every advertisement,
every tele-caller, every public signage, every central policy that
accords special status to Hindi and English.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">There is no majority language, but many
minority languages. This false majoritarianism, fuelled by public money,
Bollywood and a Hindi-nationalist yardstick of ‘broadness’ and
’parochialism’ that has been brainwashed into the affluent classes who
live or migrate to Delhi, Mumbai and Bangalore. For peoples and
languages to be treated equally, the first step is to break the pedestal
that the Indian Union has accorded to Hindi and English. Only then can
we talk and live as equals.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">The language question is not merely a
question of ethno-linguistic pride and autonomy, but fundamentally a
question of livelihood, democracy, justice, dignity and equal
stakeholdership in a federal republic. The Indian Union has no heart
near Delhi nor is its soul near Varanasi. The sooner some people snap
out of such self-important delusions, the better. Otherwise, they must
be prepared to listen to an old Hindi song from non-Hindi regions –
“Mere angne mein tumhara kya kaam hai.”</p>
<p style="text-align:justify">Speak to us in our languages, devolve
power to states, so that one doesn’t need to speak to a centre insistent
of an exclusionary language policy. People with pasts much older than
the Indian Union or the lifetime of Hindi and English languages in the
subcontinent, can manage their affairs perfectly. In this Republic, we
must never forget which region’s revenue, minerals and resources
subsidise which regions and who needs whom.</p>
<p style="text-align:justify"><strong>Garga Chatterjee</strong></p>
<a href="http://freepressjournal.in/towards-true-language-federalism/">http://freepressjournal.in/towards-true-language-federalism/</a><br></div><br clear="all"><br>-- <br>**************************************<br>N.b.: Listing on the lgpolicy-list is merely intended as a service to its members<br>
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