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<h1 class="entry-title gmail-single-title">The Lost Language of Integration</h1>
<p class="gmail-lede gmail-print-yes">Has society let go of the belief that
disparate communities can be brought together for a common goal without
one absorbing the other or both tearing each other apart?</p>
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<span class="gmail-sep">By </span><span class="gmail-author gmail-vcard"><a href="http://fpif.org/authors/john-feffer/" title="John Feffer" rel="author">John Feffer</a></span>, <time class="gmail-updated" datetime="2016-09-28">September 28, 2016</time>. </p>
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<div class="gmail-pf-content"><div id="gmail-attachment_32085" class="gmail-wp-caption gmail-alignnone"><img class="gmail-size-large gmail-wp-image-32085" src="http://fpif.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/segregation-apartheid-wall-722x407.jpg" alt="segregation-apartheid-wall"><p class="gmail-wp-caption-text">(Photo: Ars Electronica / Flickr)</p></div>
<p>In a recent <a href="http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/562/transcript" target="_blank" title="This American Life episode"><em>This American Life</em> episode</a>,
investigative journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones discusses the perils of
America’s segregated school system. She points out that there has been
only one proven way to narrow the performance gap between
African-American and white schoolchildren, and it has nothing to do with
magnet schools, or Teach for America, or any of the newfangled efforts
to right a wrong system. The only strategy that has shown demonstrable
success in the last half century has been: desegregation.</p>
<p>Between 1971 and 1988, the gap between the standardized reading
scores of black and white 13-year-olds dropped by more than half. “And
these scores are not just the scores of the specific kids who got bussed
into white schools,” <a href="http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/562/transcript" target="_blank" title="notes host Ira Glass">notes host Ira Glass</a>. “That is the overall score for the entire country. That’s all black children in America, halved in just 17 years.”</p>
<p>The reason is quite simple. “What integration does is it gets black
kids in the same facilities as white kids,” Hannah-Jones remarks. “And
therefore, it gets them access to the same things that those kids get —
quality teachers and quality instruction.”</p>
<p>Court-ordered desegregation has not completely ended. Just this summer, a U.S. District Court <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/18/us/cleveland-mississippi-school-district-desegregate.html" target="_blank" title="ruled that a school district in Mississippi">ruled that a school district in Mississippi</a>
integrate its schools — 50 years after the filing of the first legal
action. For the most part, however, this kind of legal intervention is a
thing of the past, particularly <a href="http://www.usnews.com/news/articles/2016-07-26/racial-tensions-flare-as-schools-resegregate" target="_blank" title="after the Supreme Court decided">after the Supreme Court decided</a> in 1991 that desegregation was never intended to be permanent, thus letting school districts off the hook.</p>
<p>As a result, inequality has sharpened. In a <a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/overcoming-apartheid/" target="_blank" title="2005 Nation article">2005 <em>Nation</em> article</a>,
Harvard’s Gary Orfield told Jonathan Kozol that “the desegregation of
black students, which increased continuously from the 1950s to the late
1980s, has receded to levels not seen in three decades.” According to a
more recent report from the <u><a href="http://www.gao.gov/assets/680/676745.pdf" target="_blank" title="Government Accountability Office">Government Accountability Office</a></u>,
the number of students attending highly impoverished schools with
mostly black or Hispanic students doubled between 2000 and 2014.
Moreover, across the nation “the typical black student is now in a
school where almost two out of every three classmates (64%) are
low-income, nearly double the level in schools of the typical white or
Asian student (37% and 39%, respectively),” the Civil Rights Project <a href="https://civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/mlk-national/e-pluribus...separation-deepening-double-segregation-for-more-students/orfield_ePluribus_executive_2012.pdf" target="_blank" title="reported in 2012">reported in 2012</a>.</p>
<p>The failure here is not one of ideas or policies. We’ve known for
half a century what works to end educational apartheid in the United
States. The failure is political. Our elected representatives are not
willing to take the necessary political risks to implement a program
that works but encounters resistance among some (white) people.</p>
<p>When I travelled throughout Eastern Europe a couple years ago, I encountered nearly the same educational apartheid. Nearly <a href="http://www.equineteurope.org/European-Commission-targets-school-segregation-of-Roma-children-in-Hungary-with" target="_blank" title="half of all Roma children">half of all Roma children</a> attend segregated schools in Hungary. In Slovakia, <a href="http://www.romaeducationfund.hu/sites/default/files/documents/segregation_of_roma_children_in_education_-_successes_and_challenges_-_final.pdf" target="_blank" title="school districts are gerrymandered">school districts are gerrymandered</a>
to keep Roma children separate, and where that’s been impossible,
administrators separate out Roma by floor within schools. In Romania and
Bulgaria, many Roma children don’t receive any education at all. I
spoke with Roma activists who have tried to challenge these inequalities
legally and politically. Some organizations <a href="http://www.johnfeffer.com/the-ghettos-of-eastern-europe/" target="_blank" title="relocate a handful of Roma children">relocate a handful of Roma children</a> to better schools. Virtually everyone recognizes that <a href="http://www.romaeducationfund.hu/news/ref/news-and-events/new-policy-brief-recommends-how-eliminate-segregation-roma-schools" target="_blank" title="government-directed desegregation">government-directed desegregation</a>
is the only viable, long-term solution. Anti-Roma prejudice, however,
is even more endemic in the region than racism in the United States (no
one I talked to could even imagine a Roma president, for instance). Very
few non-Roma politicians in Eastern Europe are willing to stand up for
Roma and for what is right.</p>
<p>Not all integration works the same way as desegregation in pushing
everyone to meet higher standards. The North American Free Trade
Agreement, for example, integrates the economies of three countries, but
in a way that fails to lift the labor or environmental standards, not
to mention the GDP, of Mexico to the level of Canada. As Donald Trump is
also proving every day, one can unite people by appealing to their
worst instincts rather than their best.</p>
<p>If the failure of integration were limited to the educational sphere,
perhaps enough political will could be mustered to overcome fear,
prejudice, and just plain inertia to reduce institutional racism. But
what if not enough people believe any longer in bridging large gaps in
wealth, performance, and achievement through collective action? Perhaps
the entire enterprise of integration, a cornerstone of the progressive
agenda, has simply collapsed.</p>
<p><strong>The Seductions of Inequality</strong></p>
<p>It’s intriguing that school integration reached its high point in the
late 1980s and declined after a 1991 Supreme Court decision. The timing
coincides with three other notable failures of integration: the
collapse of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia in rapid
succession. It was easy enough to blame communism for the failure of
these multiethnic states to cohere after the fall of the Berlin Wall.
But the inability to maintain integrated states was only tangentially
related to Marxism. Both Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia existed as
multinational states prior to communism, and much of what became the
Soviet Union had been unified under the tsars.</p>
<p>The two primary causes of disintegration were nationalism (the
assertion of a separate identity from the more encompassing multiethnic
one) and resentment (that the resources of the state were unevenly
divided among the subnational entities). Slovaks felt that they were
getting a raw deal from the new democratic government in Prague;
Slovenes and Croats felt that Serbs were disproportionately represented
in the federal authorities and were unhappy with the flow of funds to
underdeveloped regions to the south; Ukrainians, Georgians, and
Armenians bristled at the way the Kremlin dictated policy. Anger at
“their” economic and political policies dovetailed with the nationalist
call to assert “our” control instead.</p>
<p>These suspicions of misdirected funds and the arrogance of the
“imperial” metropole have reappeared in a new guise in the current
Euroskepticism sweeping through Europe. In countries that once
complained of Moscow, you now hear complaints about Brussels. And the
anger at “lazy” Kosovars or Bosnians during the days of Yugoslavia has
become anger at “lazy” Greeks.</p>
<p>The European Union was once the greatest example of “harmonizing up.”
The EU was committed to bringing its poorest members up to the level of
the richest. Nor could the poorer countries take a shortcut by
establishing lower environmental or labor regulations to attract
polluting, sweatshop industries. Integration meant a step forward for
everyone.</p>
<p>But this process butted up against a much more powerful force moving
in the opposite direction: globalization. At first glance, globalization
would seem to be the greatest of all integration projects. The
increased flow of trade around the world means that Mongolians are more
likely to watch Korean soap operas, Germans more likely to listen to
Brazilian pop music, Americans more likely to enjoy authentic Moroccan
food. But this cultural intermixing is superficial. For more often than
not, globalization results in the dominance of market leaders (Hollywood
films, Chinese textiles). Moreover, for the most part, globalization
pushes countries to compete with one another by gutting regulations and
standards in a race to the bottom.</p>
<p>The EU doesn’t exist in a vacuum. In the deference it pays to the
financial sector, the pressures of free-trade agreements, and the
demands of sovereignty, the EU has <a href="https://www.oxfam.org/en/pressroom/pressreleases/2015-09-09/increasing-inequality-plunging-millions-more-europeans-poverty" target="_blank" title="begun to tolerate much greater gaps in wealth">begun to tolerate much greater gaps in wealth</a>
than it would have done in the past. Strict budgetary constraints now
make it more difficult for individual governments to pour money into job
retraining programs or infrastructure development that could mitigate
income inequality. Integration has become a step forward for some,
stagnation for many more.</p>
<p>Another striking example of this declining commitment to integration
can be found in the campaign against “multiculturalism” in Europe. At
the top, leaders like <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2015/12/14/angela-merkel-multiculturalism-is-a-sham/" target="_blank" title="Angela Merkel">Angela Merkel</a> and <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/cameron-my-war-on-multiculturalism-2205074.html" target="_blank" title="David Cameron">David Cameron</a>
have declared that “multiculturalism” has failed because large numbers
of new immigrants have not acculturated into the dominant society. In <em>Foreign Affairs</em>, Kenan Malik has penned a <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/western-europe/failure-multiculturalism" target="_blank" title="couple essays">couple essays</a>
on how “multiculturalism” has departed from liberal principles of
individual civil liberties — and treating everyone as equal citizens —
in favor of collective rights that emphasize difference rather than
commonality. And right-wing populist groups have denounced the
“multicultural” policies that have turned France or Germany or the
Netherlands into pluralist societies that no longer resemble the
imagined homogenous countries of old.</p>
<p>In all these cases, the critics have bundled together all the things
they don’t like about the changing demographics of their societies and
slapped the label “multiculturalism” on it. Thus, multiculturalists are
to be blamed for the persistence of honor killings, female circumcision,
terrorism by Islamic extremists, rioting in “no-go” zones, and the
like. However, this explanation fails to take into account that such
deplorable behaviors take place in countries like France, which require
assimilation into a dominant civic culture, and the UK, which has
generally favored a more laissez-faire, patchwork approach.</p>
<p>Ultimately, the issue has nothing to do with a clash of cultures, any
more than the difference in test scores between whites and blacks in
the United States can be attributed to cultural (read: racial)
differences. When people have access to the same resources, they perform
at the same level. In Europe, when people have access to the same
education, housing, and jobs, they similarly perform at the same level
(i.e., as responsible citizens). Sure, there are outliers, just as there
are plenty of middle-class, non-immigrant French or Germans who commit
crimes or behave abominably. But when <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2016/01/denmark-refugees-immigration-law/431520/" target="_blank" title="Denmark makes a big show of cutting social benefits to immigrants by 45 percent">Denmark makes a big show of cutting social benefits to immigrants by 45 percent</a>, it reveals the erosion of the belief that integration at the level of resources can eliminate disparity in results.</p>
<p>The backlash against the current wave of refugees coming from Syria
can’t be understood outside of this context of disappointment with
efforts to integrate immigrants who arrived in the past. The same holds
true in the United States, where fears of Syrian terrorists hiding among
the refugees intersects with rhetoric about Mexico “not sending their
best” and the <a href="http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/donald-trump-speak-english-spanish-820215" target="_blank" title="necessity of Americans to speak English">necessity of Americans to speak English</a> all the time.</p>
<p>The EU’s motto is “united in diversity.” The EU is bold in insisting
that unity doesn’t depend on assimilation and forced homogenization, and
that diversity, meanwhile, does not necessarily lead to fragmentation.
That is the ideal of integration. And it no longer seems to command the
same respect that it once did. Inequality has become an accepted state
of affairs among an increasing number of people who either benefit from
the status quo or hope to do so some day.</p>
<p><strong>The Powerlessness of Ideas Alone</strong></p>
<p>Washington think tanks expend enormous energy — and resources — in
coming up with ideas that will solve the problems of the day. But as the
case of desegregation of schools demonstrates — in the United States,
in Eastern Europe — the problem is not a lack of ideas. We know what
works. We simply lack the political will.</p>
<p>Nor does political will appear magically when the right person in the
right place suddenly, through some mysterious process, has a conversion
experience. That rarely happens. Political will usually appears as a
result of pressure from the outside that changes minds on the inside.
Lyndon Johnson was by no means the likeliest candidate to usher through
civil rights legislation. He was a <a href="http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/lyndon-johnson-civil-rights-racism" target="_blank" title="thoroughgoing racist">thoroughgoing racist</a>
who opposed civil rights for two decades. But he was also an astute
politician who bent to the winds of change. The civil rights movement’s
achievements were the offspring of collective pressure and political
opportunism.</p>
<p>We face other realms of policy where we know what works but can’t
muster the political will to make the necessary change. Cutting carbon
emissions and switching to renewables is the obvious way to avoid
burning the planet to a crisp. Ending the embargo on Cuba will help pull
the island out of its economic doldrums and accelerate political
reforms. As with desegregation, however, significant obstacles loom in
both cases, whether it’s major corporations that profit from fossil
fuels or a right-wing Congress committed to fossilized ideologies.
Overcoming those obstacles requires political will that in turn requires
social movements.</p>
<p>But those social movements also need a unifying belief. Building a
fair and equal multiethnic society requires a belief that disparate
communities can be brought together for a common goal without one
community absorbing the other or both communities tearing each other
apart. From desegregation to the European Union to societies that
welcome and cherish immigrants, a belief in the power of integration is
essential. Yet in today’s fragmenting world, many people are losing
faith.</p>
</div>
<div class="gmail-author-bio"><p>John Feffer directs Foreign Policy in Focus.</p>
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