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Reflecting on Silent Revolutions What’s in store for Rainbow Revolution of 2015…? </h1>
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</p><p><img alt="" src="http://static.dailymirror.lk/media/images/image_1517504482-987517c4a0.jpg" style="width: 620px; height: 443px;"></p>
<p><strong>The political eagerness to use language as an electoral
instigator contributed to Sinhala becoming the only official language
in 1956</strong></p>
<p>The idea that Sinhala and Tamil shall both be given official language
status after independence was agreed among political leaders until the
eruption of language controversy in 1955. On five different occasions
between 1926 and 1943, first the Legislative Council and the State
Council <img alt="" src="http://static.dailymirror.lk/media/images/image_1517504463-ff6a35dfff.jpg" style="width: 250px; height: 136px; margin: 5px; float: left;">that
was established after 1931, had passed proposals supporting both
Sinhala and Tamil replacing English as the country’s official language.
Prime Minister, D.S Senanayake, unwaveringly stood by this position. His
mistake wasn’t introducing in the five years of his tenure to bring
about a systematic replacement of ‘English only’ with all three national
languages spoken in the island. The political eagerness to use language
as an electoral instigator contributed to Sinhala becoming the only
official language in 1956.</p>
<p> </p>
<p><strong><span style="color:rgb(255,255,255)"><span style="background-color:rgb(139,69,19)">The 1956 election was fought on the issue of ‘a change from English to Swabhasha or Sinhalese/Tamil’</span></span></strong></p>
<p><strong><span style="color:rgb(255,255,255)"><span style="background-color:rgb(139,69,19)">In 1978, a new Constitution was promulgated by J R Jayewardene using the 5/6th majority at the 1977 elections</span></span></strong></p>
<p> <br>
The 1956 election was fought on the issue of ‘a change from English to
Swabhasha or Sinhalese/Tamil’ as an inevitable requirement with the
growth of democracy. The United National Party (UNP) which governed the
first eight years of post-independent Ceylon under three Prime
Ministers—D.S Senanayake, son Dudley and his cousin Sir John Kotelawala-
was careful not to create fresh problems for the government by
attempting to make changes. This was despite the second tier leadership
being under pressure from the rank and file for a popular ‘Sinhala only’
wave. Fulfilling his electoral promise to make Sinhala only within 24
hours, the Prime Minister SWRD Bandaranaike introduced the Official
Language Act on 5th June 1956, which later became one of the darkest
days of the post independent Sri Lanka. The parliament began the Second
Reading debate the same day. The SLFP led Government and UNP opposition
were extremely keen in getting the legislation passed. The Marxist LSSP
and the CP strongly opposed it and risked the lives of their leadership
as mobs gathered outside Parliament.</p>
<p> <br>
Tamil speaking citizens became anxious about their future. Federal Party
led by SJV Chelvanayagam organized a Satyagraha campaign on the Galle
Face Green before the days proceeding in parliament, only to be
manhandled by misguided mobs.</p>
<p> <br>
S.W.R.D Bandaranaike who left the ruling UNP in 1951 and formed a new
party styled Sri Lanka Freedom Party [SLFP], campaigned at the 1956
General Elections on the cry, ‘Sinhalese only’. However, he included a
clause in his election manifesto which said, ‘Reasonable use of Tamil’
and shown only in the English copy. As he was gaining popularity, the
UNP blundered by abandoning their earlier stance of parity for Tamil,
and adopted a ‘Sinhalese only’ to fall in line with Bandaranaike. SWRD
also promised to nationalise Tea estates owned by Sterling companies,
take-over British Air Bases and evict the British from Trincomalee Naval
base. The MEP backed by main constituent Sri Lanka Freedom Party, swept
to power. Bandaranaike soon realised that the forces which had been
released by his victory were formidable to resist; he found himself the
prisoner of his election promises.</p>
<blockquote>
<p>The parliament began the Second Reading debate the same day. The SLFP
led Government and UNP opposition were extremely keen in getting the
legislation passed. The Marxist LSSP and the CP strongly opposed it and
risked the lives of their leadership as mobs gathered outside Parliament</p>
</blockquote>
<p> <br>
The nation experienced a tense situation. There was inter-ethnic
discord on the grounds of race while covert clashes erupted on the basis
of class.</p>
<p> <br>
At the 1959 SLFP convention held in Kurunegala, the right wing took the
lead in internal party elections; seeing the ‘leftist’ members being
defeated. In May 1959, the Agriculture and Food Minister Philip
Gunewardena, the father of Marxism, resigned. His number two, Senator PH
William de Silva resigned a couple of days later, followed by five
other left-leaning MP’s. Bandaranaike announced a fresh cabinet in June.
The PM was somewhat stressed out and weary, and was cautious in
managing ‘fast track bumps’. Certain quarters who tirelessly worked
towards his triumph were making, unfair moves expecting business favors;
upon rejection of such requests, the frustrated men conspired against
him; finally he had to ‘pay the supreme penalty’ in September 1959, when
he was assassinated by an extremist ‘Buddhist priest’.</p>
<p> <br>
The slain Prime Minister had courageously tried to contain the damage
and enter into an accord with the Federal Party. However, his successors
renounced this pacifying approach and forcefully put into practice the
Sinhala only official language policy in such a manner that Bandaranaike
would have never envisaged or approved. The unfair practices of
recruitment to and promotions in Government service, the armed forces
and the standardized admissions to universities alienated the minorities
from administration.</p>
<h3> <br>
1970</h3>
<p><br>
Nationalisation of insurance companies affiliated to foreign interests;
nationalization of petroleum owned by British and US to set up the
Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, however, deteriorated our relations with
Western powers. The US Government retaliated by threatening to withdraw
assistance to the island, and in fact they did.</p>
<p> <br>
For the first time the term ‘Non-alignment’ was used in describing the
foreign policy of Sirimavo’s Government. It was a policy of
non–alignment with super powers and neutralism; her Government’s
relations with all countries were friendly. Sirimavo had the courage to
thwart US moves to station through US Seventh Fleet some nuclear task
force units in the territorial waters of the island.</p>
<p> <br>
Dudley Senanayake’s 1965-70 ‘National Government’s attempt to solve
Language issues through the introduction of district councils proved
catastrophic to its popularity. In 1966, SLFP led leftist opposition
demonstrated against the move causing a Buddhist monk being shot at by
Police at Kollpitiya.</p>
<p> <br>
With the SLFP coming into power in 1970, they replaced the Order in
Council of 1946 with a new Constitution adopted at the Constituent
Assembly held in 1971/1972 at the Navarangahala of the Royal Primary
School in Colombo. The 1972 constitution changed the country’s name to
Sri Lanka from Ceylon, and established it as an independent sovereign
republic.</p>
<p> <br>
The 1972 constitution had many shortcomings. The non- representative and
non- inclusive nature of its drafting process was one such drawback.
The committees entrusted with the responsibility of drafting were
populated with members of the Government. Drafts of resolutions were
prepared under the purview of Dr Colvin R. de Silva and a group of
senior SLFP MPs, and the leadership of the LSSP and CP. The Federal
Party withdraw itself from the Constituent Assembly in mid 1971 citing
the above and other reasons. The UNP complained about the lack of
consideration given to recommendations made by the opposition, stating
that they would not vote in favour of it. Surprisingly, lack of
safeguards made for the country’s minority, their basic rights, religion
and language- even having done away with the provisions included in the
1948 Constitution. ‘Foremost place for Buddhism’ which wasn’t there in
the 1948 constitution was introduced to dupe the Buddhists.</p>
<p> <br>
Sirimavo, the woman who took Sri Lanka to the world in 1960 as first
woman Head of State, repeated her feat when she hosted and took up the
Chairmanship of the 5th NAM [Non - aligned Movement’s Summit] held in
Colombo in 1976 in the presence of 86 heads of state. The framework for
“a new International Economic Order” was the action programme of the
conference, which was one of the most important contributions of the
conference.</p>
<h3> <br>
1977</h3>
<p><br>
The first Republican Constitution lasted for only 5 years. The UNP,
which assumed power in 1977, introduced an Amendment to the 1972
Constitution on 20 October, 1977 creating an Executive President who
would be the Head of the State and Head of Government.</p>
<p> <br>
In 1978, a new Constitution was promulgated by J R Jayewardene using the
5/6th majority at the 1977 elections. Sri Lanka was re-named the
Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The new Constitution
continued the immunity of the President, ministers were to be appointed
by the President, and he would need to consult the PM only if necessary.
Although constitutionally the President has to be elected at an
election, under new Provisions in respect of the first President, the
person who holds the post of PM at the time of the new Constitution
coming into effect, would be considered the elected President. The new
constitution, which came into effect on 7 September 1978, granted the
president sweeping—and almost dictatorial—powers. He moved the
legislative capital from Colombo to Kotte and opened up the economy.</p>
<p> <br>
JRJ had held a Referendum in 1982 to extend the period of Parliament for
a further term of 6 years. The foreword to the proposal seeking the
mandate of the People for such extension said, ‘to ensure for a further
term the stability necessary for the continuation of the programme
undertaken for the advancement and progress of the People of Sri Lanka’</p>
<p><br>
The amendment sought to ‘continue until August 4, 1989’ received the
‘approval’ at a highly rigged vote of the people. He knew that if an
election was held in terms of the Constitution after 6 years under the
new PR system, it would not have produced the ‘required stability’
needed by JRJ. Thus with the ‘winning’ of the Referendum, he received
what he wanted. Between 1983 and 1988, 11 amendments, all at his whims
and fancies had been made to the Constitution.</p>
<p> <br>
To his credit, the Mahaveli, the largest multipurpose development
programme in the history of the Island, which would have lasted about 30
years, was accelerated to be completed within its term of office of
first 6 years. </p></div>
<br clear="all"><br>-- <br><div class="gmail_signature" data-smartmail="gmail_signature">=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+<br><br> Harold F. Schiffman<br><br>Professor Emeritus of <br> Dravidian Linguistics and Culture <br>Dept. of South Asia Studies <br>University of Pennsylvania<br>Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305<br><br>Phone: (215) 898-7475<br>Fax: (215) 573-2138 <br><br>Email: <a href="mailto:haroldfs@gmail.com" target="_blank">haroldfs@gmail.com</a><br><a href="http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/" target="_blank">http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/</a> <br><br>-------------------------------------------------</div>
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