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Globalization, Language Policy, and the Role of English
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Thomas Ricento
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<a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898">
The Oxford Handbook of Language Policy and Planning
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Edited by James W. Tollefson and Miguel Pérez-Milans
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<dd class="gmail-metadataValue">10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.17</dd>
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<h2 class="gmail-moduleToggle gmail-moduleLabel">In This Article</h2>
<ul class="gmail-toc"><span class="gmail-smallCaps"></span><li class="gmail-sections"><a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-56">The Concept of Globalization</a></li><li class="gmail-sections"><a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-57">English and Economic Development</a></li><li class="gmail-sections"><a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-58">Scholarly Acceptance of the TINA Doctrine</a></li><li class="gmail-sections"><a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-59">Neoliberalism, Employment in the Formal Economy, and the Role of English</a></li><li class="gmail-sections"><a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-60">Conclusion: Language Rights and Language Policy</a></li><li class="gmail-bibliography"><a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibliography-11">References
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<div id="gmail-contentRoot"><div id="gmail-abstractAndKeywords"><h2 class="gmail-abstractMinus">Abstract and Keywords</h2><div class="gmail-abstract"><p>This
chapter explores some of the ways that apparently incompatible claims
from the language policy and planning (LPP) literature can be
disambiguated and resolved by reference to political economy. In
particular, it focuses on competing views regarding the role of English
in the world today as either a form of linguistic imperialism or a
vehicle for social and economic mobility. In analyzing the nature and
effects of neoliberalism, as expressed in its globalized economic and
political forms, it shows that the role and utility of English worldwide
is a vehicle for mobility for some people, in some economic sectors,
mainly the knowledge economy, but is generally not connected to
socioeconomic mobility for the vast majority of the global workforce.
The discussion of neoliberal globalization and the role of English
addresses the following questions: Where does power reside? Who has
agency? Who decides which language has value? Who has rights?</p></div><p class="gmail-keywords">
Keywords: <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=English">English</a>, <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=economic development">economic development</a>, <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=globalization">globalization</a>, <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=language planning">language planning</a>, <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=language policy">language policy</a>, <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=imperialism">imperialism</a>, <a href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/search?f_0=keyword&q_0=neoliberalism">neoliberalism</a></p></div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-55" class="gmail-div1">
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1272"><span class="gmail-sc">In</span>
this chapter, I explore some of the ways that apparently incompatible
claims from the language policy and planning (LPP) literature can be
disambiguated and resolved by reference to political economy. In
particular, I focus on the competing views regarding the role of English
in the world today as either (a) a form of linguistic imperialism, or
(b) a vehicle for social and economic mobility. First, I consider the
case for English as <i>the</i> global lingua franca, citing statistics
from a variety of sources that demonstrate the reach of English in
academic publishing, economic activity, and international communication
networks; evidence is also provided that the economic effects of English
are both overstated and uneven. Next, I consider the role of English in
economic development in non-English-dominant countries, using data on
trade and other indices of economic development.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1273">The available research shows
that it is difficult to tease out the independent effects of English on
economic development; the connections from language skills to foreign
trade, foreign trade to gross domestic product (GDP), and GDP to
development and quality of life are complex. Putting it differently, the
distribution of skills in a language shared with a trading partner does
not directly generate higher GDP, let alone enhance societal welfare. I
then critically examine the TINA doctrine (“There Is No Alternative” to
economic neoliberalism), a concept widely accepted by pundits and
(often implicitly) by LPP scholars.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1274"><a name="p222" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_222" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 222)
</span></a>In analyzing the nature and effects of economic
neoliberalism, as expressed in its globalized economic and political
forms, I show that particular levels of proficiency in English are
necessary for mobility for some people, in some economic sectors, mainly
the knowledge economy, but such proficiency is generally not connected
to socioeconomic mobility for the vast majority of the global workforce.
I conclude with a brief discussion of neoliberal globalization and the
role of English by answering the following questions: (1) Where does
power reside? (2) Who has agency? (3) Who decides which language has
value? and (4) Who has rights?</p>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-56" class="gmail-div1"><h1><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1275">The Concept of Globalization</p></h1>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1276">What does the term <i>globalization</i> mean? One of the most fashionable buzzwords of contemporary political and academic debate, <i>globalization</i> in popular discourse often functions as a synonym for one or more of the following phenomena:</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1277"></p><ul class="gmail-other gmail-customEnumerator">
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-102"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1278"><span class="enumerator">•</span> The pursuit of classical liberal (or “free market”) policies in the world economy (“economic liberalization”)</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-103"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1279"><span class="enumerator">•</span>
The growing dominance of Western (or even American) forms of political,
economic, and culture life (“Westernization” or “Americanization”)</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-104"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1280"><span class="enumerator">•</span> The proliferation of new information technologies (the “Internet Revolution”).</p></li>
</ul>
<p></p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1281">On the matter of
globalization, three books written over the past decade reflect the
range of views on globalization. In his book <i>The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World</i>, John Ralston <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-679" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-679">Saul (2005)</a>
argues that the West remains stuck on outdated ideas of growth, wealth
creation, and trade expansion and that the world is headed for disaster.
On the other hand, Thomas Friedman, <i>New York Times</i> columnist, argues in his 2000 book <i>The Lexus and the Olive Tree</i>
that the driving idea behind globalization is free-market capitalism,
and the more that market forces rule and the economy is opened to free
trade and competition, the more efficient the economy will be. For
Friedman, globalization means the spread of free-market capitalism to
virtually every country in the world through the deregulating and
privatizing of national economies in order to make them more competitive
and attractive to foreign investment. Perhaps in the middle is someone
like Joseph E. Stiglitz, Nobel Prize–winning economist, who in his book <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-681" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-681"><i>Making Globalization Work</i> (2007)</a>,
roundly decries the excesses and inequalities that have resulted from
neoliberal global economic policies, but believes that changes in a
range of policies can help level the playing field, especially for
poorer countries that have fared the worst over the past forty years.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1282">Among scholars interested in
globalization and language, there is a range of views on how
globalization affects language, and how language influences
globalization, just as there is a range of views on the economic and
political effects of globalization. <a name="p223" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_223" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 223)
</span></a>Some argue, for example, that the global spread of English has had many harmful effects, often captured by the term <i>linguistic imperialism</i>, made popular by British applied linguist Robert Phillipson in his 1992 book <i>Linguistic Imperialism</i>,
and in a number of subsequent publications (e.g., 2001, 2003). In this
model, English is viewed as an accomplice in the aggressive push of
neoliberal economic policies and the spread of Western culture, often
crowding out space for other languages, including medium-sized European
languages, such as Catalan (with 5.7 million speakers in Catalonia) and
Finnish (about 5 million in Finland).</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1283">Others argue, often
triumphantly, that English can no longer be considered an imperial
language, that it is the best and only choice for the global lingua
franca, and that everyone should accept that fact and get busy learning
English so they can improve their life chances and gain upward
socioeconomic mobility. This view is championed by linguist David
Crystal in <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-652" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-652"><i>English as a Global Language</i> (2003)</a>, and by political theorist Philip Van Parijs in <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-683" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-683"><i>Linguistic Justice for Europe and for the World</i> (2011)</a>.
Despite their strong belief in the benefits of a global language, both
Crystal and Van Parijs express concern about the real and potential
negative consequences for other languages; thus, Van Parijs also
supports the territoriality principle, by which smaller languages have
protections in the states where they are the dominant or majority
language. <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-652" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-652">Crystal (2003</a>,
p. 191) warns that if in 500 years, English is the only language left
to be learned as a second/additional language, “. . . it will have been
the greatest intellectual disaster that the planet has ever known.”</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1284">I have argued in <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-674" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-674">Ricento (2015)</a>
that while English in non-English-dominant countries is tied to global
economic forces and can provide an economic advantage to persons with
the right educational credentials and skills relevant to
knowledge-economy jobs, the particular histories and circumstances of
nation-states and the policies of their governments greatly influence,
even determine, the role and status that English and other global
languages will have in society, especially in the education sector.
There is no doubt that the ascendance of English as the dominant
international language, especially since World War II, has had a
measurable impact on the status and utility of languages in a number of
domains where other languages previously had greater power. <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-653" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-653">De Swaan (2001)</a>
describes what he calls the current “global language system” in which
all languages are connected by multilingual speakers in a strongly
ordered, hierarchical pattern.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1285">The higher languages are in
this hierarchy, the greater the number of other languages to which they
are connected through multilingual speakers. In De Swaan’s model,
English is the “hypercentral language” at the hub that holds the entire
constellation together. Below English are the “super-central,” the
“central,” and, finally, the “peripheral languages.” The eleven
super-central languages (in alphabetical order) are Arabic, Chinese,
French, German, Hindi, Japanese, Malay, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish,
and Swahili. All except Swahili have more than one hundred million
speakers, and each serves to connect the speakers of a series of central
languages. All languages are, in today’s <i>globalized</i> world, connected indirectly via <a name="p224" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_224" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 224)
</span></a>chains of multilingual speakers. English may be the
only language connected to virtually all other languages directly, since
every language community contains some multilinguals with English in
their repertoire.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1286">Although the number of native
speakers is not, by itself, a valid criterion for the internationality
or globality of a language, it is a rough indicator of such a status.
The number of non-native speakers also strongly correlates with the
popular intuition that, for example, English and French are world
languages compared to Hindi and Urdu, or even Chinese, even though those
languages have many more native speakers than do English or French. <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon (2010</a>,
p. 105) provides estimates from various sources on the number of
non-native learners of English; the estimates range from 750 million to
more than 1 billion (although <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-652" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-652">Crystal [2003]</a>
estimates 2 billion users of English worldwide). Trailing far behind is
French, with an estimated 82.5 million learners, followed by Chinese
with 30 million learners worldwide (although another source estimates
the number to be as low as 3 million [<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon 2010</a>, p. 105, n. b]). German learners are fourth at 16.7 million.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1287">If we look at the number of native plus second-language speakers of major languages worldwide, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon (2010, p. 109)</a>, using data from <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-657" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-657"><i>Ethnologue</i> (2005 [1984])</a>,
reports that in 2005 Chinese ranked first, with 1.051 billion speakers,
followed by Hindi + Urdu (588 million speakers), English (508 million
speakers), Spanish (382 million speakers), and Russian (255 million
speakers) in the top five places. Using 1964 as the base year for
comparison purposes, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon (2010</a>,
p. 109) shows that the following languages have declined in rank in the
number of native and native plus second-language speakers of major
languages worldwide: English, Japanese, French, Italian, and especially
German (from 6th place to 11th place), while the rest have maintained
their rank.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1288">Comparison of the economic
strength of speakers of different languages, however, yields a different
ranking. Relying on data from <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-657" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-657"><i>Ethnologue</i> (2005 [1984])</a>, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon (2010, p. 110)</a>,
shows that if the GDP of native and second-language speakers is divided
by the percentage of the language’s native speakers in the country’s
population, in 2005, English ranked first at $12.7 billion, nearly three
times stronger than Japanese ($4.6 billion), and five times stronger
than Chinese ($2.4 billion). German moves from #11 in the number of
native plus second-language speakers (123 million speakers) to #3 in
terms of its economic strength ($4.35 billion).</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1289">Another indicator of the
international power and reach of English can be found in the number of
countries and continents in which English is named as an official
language. English has official status, including co-status with other
languages, in 67 countries on all six continents, followed by French
with official status in 29 countries on five continents, Arabic with
official status in 22 countries on two continents, Spanish with official
status in 21 countries on three continents, and German with official
status in 7 countries on one continent (Europe) (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon, 2010</a>, p. 112; updated figures on English from <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-684" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-684">Wikipedia, 2015</a>).</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1290"><a name="p225" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_225" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 225)
</span></a>English is an official or working language in virtually
all of the major international organizations, including the United
Nations, the Commonwealth, the Council of Europe, the European Union,
NATO, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund, and it is the
only official language of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) and of the European Free Trade Association.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1291">In scholarly publications in
natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities, English is by a very
wide margin the dominant language. <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-660" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-660">Hamel (2007)</a>
documented the dominance of English in the international scientific
periodical literature. He found that in 1996, nearly 91% of scientific
publications were in English, followed by 2.1% in Russian, 1.7% in
Japanese, 1.3% in French, and 1.2% in German. In some fields, English is
even more dominant; nearly 95% of all publications in physics between
1992 and 1997 were in English. In the social sciences and humanities,
between 1974 and 1995, publications in English increased from 66.6% to
82.5%, and the second most common language was French, which decreased
from 6.8% to 5.9% during this period. If we consider shares of languages
in publications in the social sciences between 1880 and 2006, which
includes overall average percentage for anthropology, political science,
economics, and sociology, we find that in 2006, 80.8% of the
publications were in English, followed by 6.1% in German, 4.0% in
French, 2.1% in Russian, 1.6% in Spanish, and 0.9% in Italian (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-644">Ammon 2010</a>, p. 116).</p>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-57" class="gmail-div1"><h1><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1292">English and Economic Development</p></h1>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1293">For some scholars, there is a
tendency to view the current world neoliberal economic order as
justifying the promotion of global languages, especially English, as a
means of affording access to jobs and social mobility in developing
countries. Philippe Van Parijs is a political theorist who has written
extensively about the benefits of a lingua franca, such as English, in
playing a role in diminishing poverty in poor countries, mainly by
reducing the out-migration of highly trained, English-speaking citizens
(e.g., <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-682" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-682">Van Parijs, 2000</a>). In <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-683" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-683"><i>Linguistic Justice for Europe and for the World</i> (2011)</a>, Van Parijs claims that a lingua franca is urgently needed in Europe and across the world because</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1294"></p><blockquote class="gmail-prosequoteType"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1295">[i]ts
adoption and spreading creates and expands a transnational demos, by
facilitating direct communication, live or online, without the
cumbersome and expensive mediation of interpretation and translation. It
enables not only the rich and the powerful, but also the poor and the
powerless to communicate, debate, network, cooperate, lobby, demonstrate
effectively across borders. This common demos . . . is a precondition
for the effective pursuit of justice, and this fact provides the second
fundamental reason why people committed to egalitarian global justice
should not only <a name="p226" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_226" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 226)
</span></a>welcome the spread of English as a lingua franca but
see it as their duty to contribute to this spread in Europe and
throughout the world. (p. 31)</p></blockquote><p></p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1296">Following a similar line of argument, Brutt-Griffler (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-648" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-648">2002</a>, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-649" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-649">2005</a>)
argues that “exclusion from high proficiency [in] English [is] a prime
determinant of lack of access to wealth in the world they [poor South
Africans] inhabit” (2005, p. 29). She criticizes those who support the
teaching of mother tongues over English as being insensitive to the
economic aspirations of oppressed and impoverished people as they seek
to escape poverty with the aid of English.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1297">In many postcolonial
countries, English is a language for the elite, specifically those who
attend English-medium private schools and are educated overseas or in
elite national universities. In South Africa, for example, the use of
African languages for learning/teaching is restricted to underprivileged
schools, while privileged schools have English as the language of
learning. In a recent study, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-650" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-650">Casale and Posel (2011</a>,
p. 18) found that “English language proficiency [in South Africa] acts
as a signal to employers of the quality of education that the worker has
received, and hence, the worker’s suitability for employment.” Yet
English-medium instruction may intensify educational disadvantage. For
example, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-671" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-671">Rassool (2013</a>,
p. 53) reports that in Pakistan, “the country’s focus on English as the
medium of education has contributed to high levels of illiteracy
amongst the population as a whole—53% in 2005; 57% in 2009.”
English-medium schools are dominated by children from the upper-middle
classes and predominate in urban areas, while the urban poor and rural
communities tend to become literate in the regional languages. Thus
English (with Urdu) is available for the social and political elites,
who run their own English-medium schools (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-670" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-670">Rahman, 2002</a>),
while for the poor rural majority, the lack of qualified teachers of
English and limited resources restrict access to tertiary education and
employment in the formal economy, where English is valued.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1298">In Rwanda, the anglophone
Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took control of the country from the
francophone Hutu-led government in 1994, and rapidly instituted a
process of anglicization, in part for the same reasons that English has
been adopted in many other countries: “Rwandans perceived that the
future of globalization is written in English, and they wanted to be
able to participate in that new world” (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-676" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-676">Samuelson, 2013</a>,
p. 219). Rwanda gained membership in the Commonwealth in 2009, despite
the fact that estimates of the total number of English speakers in
Rwanda range from only 1.9% to 5% of the population. Even though 99% of
the population can speak Kinyarwanda, the emphasis on English in
education through official government policies has blocked the use of
mother-tongue education that would allow students to develop literacy in
Kinyarwanda while also learning English (or French) as a subject in the
early grades (p. 225).</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1299">In Rwanda, as in India, South
Africa, Pakistan, Zambia, Tanzania, Malawi, Zimbabwe, and many other
countries in Africa and elsewhere, decision-making about language
policies in education tends to reflect the agendas of the most <a name="p227" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_227" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 227)
</span></a>powerful groups, who seek foreign investment and loans
to bolster their ability to maintain power, rather than to pursue
broadly based economic development policies. Thus <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-685" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-685">Williams (2014)</a> summarizes the effects of the “Straight-for-English” policy in African countries in this way:</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1300"></p><blockquote class="gmail-prosequoteType"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1301">To
date . . . the evidence suggests that the dominant role of English in
primary schools has, for the majority, proved to be a barrier to
education, rather than a bridge. Students fail to acquire language
capital, so human capital is not accumulated, and no economic capital
accrues. It is no surprise, then, that whether one looks at development
in terms of economic progress or of human needs, poor countries such as
Malawi, Zambia and Rwanda that use ex-colonial languages in education
have not hitherto made great strides. . . . (p. 137)</p></blockquote><p></p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1302">Despite such cases, the
economic power of English is often assumed and often overstated.
Although studies have shown that English can have an important influence
on trade and wages, if other factors are taken into account, we find
that English is just one factor in determining wages and level of trade.
The following studies show that conclusions about the effects of
English in trade and employment vary widely from one context to another:</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1303"></p><ol class="gmail-other gmail-customEnumerator">
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-105"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1304"><span class="enumerator">1.</span> <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-663" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-663">Ku and Zussman (2010)</a>
found that in a survey over a thirty-year period of 100 countries in
which English is not a first language, the acquisition of
English-language skills could be seen as enabling the promotion of
foreign trade. They base their conclusion largely on mean national test
scores on the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) over a
period of thirty years; controlling for other factors that might
influence trade, they found that English proficiency has a strong and
statistically significant effect on trade flows. Their study included
both industrialized and developing countries in all regions of the
globe.</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-106"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1305"><span class="enumerator">2.</span> Using average TOEFL scores from fifty-four countries and GDP as the measure of development, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-645" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-645">Arcand and Grin (2013)</a>
found that widespread proficiency in English in countries in
postcolonial Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia does not appear to be
associated with higher levels of economic development, while widespread
use of local languages positively correlates with economic development.
They also found that English can covary with other variables, including
income itself, and that English does not have unique effects on economic
development or growth.</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-107"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1306"><span class="enumerator">3.</span>
In studies that looked at market returns associated with English, there
is some evidence that for individuals, English proficiency in South
Africa has a direct positive effect on labor returns. For example, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-650" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-650">Casale and Posel (2011)</a>,
controlling for an individual’s amount of education, found that there
is a significant wage premium for black South Africans with fluency in
English literacy. On the other hand, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-664" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-664">Levinsohn (2007)</a> found that English proficiency was more of an advantage for white South Africans compared to black South Africans.</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-108"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1307"><a name="p228" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_228" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 228)
</span></a><span class="enumerator">4.</span> In India, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-646" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-646">Azam and Prakish (2010)</a>
found that fluency in English (compared to no ability in English)
increased hourly wages of men by 34%, and even a little proficiency in
English increased male hourly wages by 13%; however, returns to English
were lower for women, and were also significantly lower for members of
India’s Scheduled Castes. They conclude that upward mobility does not
come automatically with English skills in India; some obstacles,
including long-rooted discrimination against low castes, impede
low-caste group members even when they have a skill that is valued by
the modern labor market.</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-109"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1308"><span class="enumerator">5.</span> In a study on the relations between language diversity and foreign trade, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-666" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-666">Melitz (2008)</a>
found that despite the dominant position of English as a world
language, English is no more effective in promoting trade than other
major European languages. On the other hand, the major European
languages as a group (including English) are more efficient than other
languages in promoting trade.</p></li>
</ol>
<p></p>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-58" class="gmail-div1"><h1><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1309">Scholarly Acceptance of the TINA Doctrine</p></h1>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1310">The policies and values
associated with global economic neoliberalism tend to work against the
very communal values that could benefit the sustainability of local
economic development and, along with it, the sustainability of local
languages, which are prerequisites for even minimal conceptualizations
of justice within a global demos. In my view, the argument that “There
Is No Alternative” (TINA) to global neoliberalism has been implicitly
accepted by scholars such as Van Parijs and Brutt-Griffler, even though
they may oppose the corrosive effects of neoliberalism, especially in
the most impoverished countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. I
concur with the sentiment expressed by <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-655" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-655">Edwards (2003, p. 43)</a>,
who says, “. . . we should cultivate a clearer and broader awareness of
the real forces in the real world that bear upon language matters.”</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1311">However, as with Van Parijs
and Brutt-Griffler, Edwards does not question the impact of neoliberal
economic policies on the fate of minority languages and cultures. In
fact, <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-656" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-656">Edwards (2010</a>,
p. 16) takes to task those scholars “. . . who are philosophically
unwilling to find anything of moral value in modern, Western, capitalist
society . . .” (p. 16) and who lament the loss of “authenticity” in a
globalized economic system. He finds that a critique of neoliberalism “.
. . naturally extends to the scientific culture per se, indeed to the
generalities and ‘universals’ which many would see as the pivots of
progress” (p. 17). To back up his claim, Edwards cites the British
intellectual C. P. Snow, who concluded that “industrialization is the
only hope of the poor” <a name="p229" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_229" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 229)
</span></a>(1959, p. 27), and Ernest <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-659" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-659">Gellner (1968, p. 405)</a>,
who argued for the superiority of the “scientific-industrial” way of
life and claimed that modern society offered the best chances for
individual freedom and “material liberation” (cited on p. 17). (For a
critique of this view, see <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-678" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-678">Saul [1992]</a>.)</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1312"><a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-656" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-656">Edwards’s (2010)</a>
position makes explicit a view that is widely held by scholars who,
even if espousing goals of social justice, tend to accept implicitly the
TINA principle, that is, there is no alternative to modern orthodox
political liberalism or its current global neoliberal economic
instantiation. Yet the core elements that characterize contemporary
neoliberal orthodoxy, which tend to reflect the interests of
concentrated economic capital, are generally served by language policies
that align with those same economic interests, including the promotion
of linguae francae such as English. The problem with the position of Van
Parijs is that he downplays the contradictions between the values and
goals of economic neoliberalism and the values and goals necessary to
promote a meaningful “democratic world order” in which economic justice
can only be feasible if the debilitating values and manifest negative
effects of the current neoliberal global regime—especially the lack of
democratic participation in decision-making—are reversed, or at least
severely modified. In other words, a global lingua franca is, or would
be, an epiphenomenon of the very system that is antithetical to the
values of a global, participatory demos.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1313">The shortcomings of political
liberalism, as practiced within Western(ized) political economies, have
been apparent for a very long time (see <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-665" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-665">Macpherson, 2012</a>
[1973]), but these shortcomings have become greatly amplified over the
past forty years. During this period, the decline of the distributive
function of governments—largely though policies that have transferred
public wealth to private corporations through favorable tax breaks,
significant reduction of subsidies for social welfare programs,
protective tariffs, and the financialization of natural resources and
other goods and services, including intellectual property—has
strengthened the role and power of corporate interests while reducing
resources available to benefit the world’s subordinate classes and
shrinking the middle class in the industrialized nations. As <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-677" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-677">Sandel (1982)</a>
puts it, liberals exaggerate the capacity for, and the value of,
individual choice in the contemporary world. In the domain of language,
as <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-662" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-662">Holborow (2007</a>,
p. 55) observes, “[n]o one could fail to recognize the fact that real
language choice hardly exists anywhere in the unequal world of today.”</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1314">Proficiency in English (and
in particular varieties of English), whether as a first, second, or
third language, may provide an advantage for careers and employment in
certain sectors of the global economy, but the number of available jobs
and the number of jobs being created that require English is very small
compared to the numbers of workers seeking jobs worldwide. The policies
of the rich countries, especially the United States and the United
Kingdom, supported and abetted by major international institutions, such
as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade
Organization, seek to exploit countries with relatively lower wages,
limited workers’ rights and environmental protections, relatively stable
<a name="p230" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_230" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 230)
</span></a>governments, and taxation and repatriation policies that provide a safe haven for foreign investors.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1315">The jobs in these exploited
countries are disproportionately very low-wage jobs for which only
minimal competence, if any, in English is required. In cases in which a
high degree of English is required, as with call centers in India and
elsewhere, relatively small numbers of educated workers who also happen
to speak, or can master, a variety of English acceptable to American
consumers (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-647" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-647">Blommaert, 2009</a>)
have an advantage over those who don’t speak this variety of English.
But given the limited beneficiaries of English-promotion policies,
English cannot be claimed to be a sufficient means to social mobility,
let alone global justice for most individuals. Indeed, it is instead
essential to address the underlying dynamics of transnational
capitalism, particularly its effects on employment and migration
patterns that often work against the development of local economies,
especially in developing and poor countries.</p>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-59" class="gmail-div1"><h1><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1316">Neoliberalism, Employment in the Formal Economy, and the Role of English</p></h1>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1317"><a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-651" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-651">Castells (2006</a>,
p. 58) estimates that only about 200 million of the world workforce of 3
billion workers (about 7%) find work through the 53,000 or so
multinational corporations and their related networks, yet this
workforce is responsible for 40% of global GDP and two-thirds of world
trade (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686">Williams, 2010</a>, p. 50). Linguae francae are used in these companies, regardless of their location, and English is by far the most common. <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-643" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-643">Ammon (1995)</a>
reports that the German Chambers of Commerce recommend the use of
English as the sole language of communication for transactions with 64
countries; German is recommended as a co-language for 25 countries, and
Spanish for 17. These data suggest that English is a global lingua
franca for players in the knowledge economy, and English, French,
German, and Spanish are European linguae francae. Given that trade
involving Japan, the United States, and Europe accounted for 50% of
world GDP in 2000, the special status of these languages appears to be
justified from a purely macro economic perspective.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1318">The processes of
neoliberalism and their globalized effects account for the movement of
skilled labor to countries whose state or national language is English,
or to companies who use English as the primary language of their
activities. European mergers and acquisitions exceeded $1 trillion
during 2005. The United States alone accounted for another $1.16
trillion in the value of mergers and acquisitions in 2005, followed by
the United Kingdom ($305 billion). Many of these <a name="p231" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_231" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 231)
</span></a>mergers involved technology companies. Because these
new mega-companies have no obligation to retain their headquarters in
the “home” countries, they increasingly move to countries with the most
favorable corporate taxation regimes. In 2005, the most competitive
countries with regard to taxation were Finland, the United States,
Sweden, Denmark, Taiwan, Singapore, Iceland, Switzerland, Norway, and
Australia (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686">Williams, 2010</a>, p. 30).</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1319">Only the countries that
invest massively in education and research can appropriate the foreign
technologies necessary to catch up with the rich countries. The United
Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) claims that the
poorer countries are the origin of only 8.4% of the spending on research
and development (R&D) in the world, with 97% of this being in Asia
(cited in <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686">Williams, 2010</a>,
p. 33). Therefore, foreign companies are not likely to locate in these
countries, but rather will locate their head offices with high-paying
jobs in the rich industrialized countries. Clearly, English is the
dominant language in technology, and these countries have English either
as the national language or a language spoken by high percentages of
the relevant workforce. The trifecta of favorable corporate tax
policies, a highly educated workforce, and one that speaks English helps
perpetuate and increase disparities between poor and rich countries by
attracting corporations beholden to shareholders’ interests.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1320">With outsourcing and
offshoring, multinational corporations target certain regions of the
world to create production facilities in order to market and sell
products where they are produced. US facilities abroad produce $2.2
trillion a year for sales abroad and include factories and production
facilities in many developing countries in Asia and Latin America.
However, the outsourcing of New Economy activities requires a highly
skilled and educated labor market, and with wages lower than those in
the “home” country. Thus, India’s technology industry employs 800,000,
of which 300,000 (38%) work in Indian call centers. Indeed, a study by
Deloitte in 2003 predicted that by 2010 as many as 25% of workers in the
technology sector of the wealthiest countries would be de-localized
into the emerging markets, with the zone of de-localization to include
India, South Africa, Malaysia, Australia, and China, with India
remaining the central point.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1321">National governments in poor
countries have had to choose between supporting fair wages, worker
rights, environmental protection, and appropriate taxation policies on
foreign investment, or the demands of the multinational corporations and
banks (often referred to as conditionality), which oppose all of the
preceding in order to ensure the greatest possible returns on
investment. Citizens in these countries typically have no voice or vote
in industrial policy (nor, in fact, do most citizens in more developed
countries). Also, many of the jobs created in developing countries are
temporary and without benefits, while fluctuations in global consumer
consumption and currency exchange rates mean that local economic
stability and growth is uncertain, as profits are repatriated to the
rich countries.</p>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-60" class="gmail-div1"><h1><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1322"><a name="p232" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_232" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 232)
</span></a>Conclusion: Language Rights and Language Policy</p></h1>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1323">Brutt-Griffler accurately notes (2005, p. 31) that “<i>languages</i>
do not have either power or rights, their speakers do. Languages can
serve or hinder the purposes of their speakers, but on their own they
are not social agents.” In the neoliberal version of globalization,
then, where does power reside? Who has agency? Who decides which
language has value? Who has rights? The widely held tenets of
contemporary neoliberalism offer answers to these questions:</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1324">
</p><ul class="gmail-other gmail-customEnumerator">
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-110"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1325"><span class="enumerator">•</span> Corporations have more “rights” and protections, and certainly more power than individual human beings;</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-111"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1326"><span class="enumerator">•</span>
Corporations have the “right” to hire any workers they please, anywhere
in the world, at any wage, with few benefits and no job security;</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-112"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1327"><span class="enumerator">•</span>
Individuals are on their own, each a disposable worker in a monetized,
commodified system in which the only true right that remains, one that
is virtually never questioned or opposed by the corporate media or
economists, is the right to private property and the right to protect it
at any cost;</p></li>
<li id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-item1-113"><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1328"><span class="enumerator">•</span>
The right of private property and private ownership of national
resources is claimed by the leaders of capitalist governments to be a
necessary condition for “democracy” throughout the world.</p></li>
</ul>
<p></p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1329">As <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-661" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-661">Harvey (2005</a>,
p. 176) puts it, “Neoliberal concern for the individual trumps any
social democratic concern for equality, democracy, and social
solidarities.” A relatively few “world” languages serve the economic
interests of large transnational corporations and banks, even though the
percentage of the world’s workforce that benefits is disproportionately
skewed toward the most highly educated people from the richest
countries, and especially multinational corporations themselves. Even in
Europe, only about 4.5 million European citizens (about 1.4% of the
total population) with tertiary-level qualifications are mobile across
state boundaries within Europe (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686">Williams, 2010</a>,
p. 50). The massive inequalities in global wealth occur not because of
insufficient learning of English or other colonial languages, but rather
because many of the poorest countries play a particular and narrow role
in the global system, which is to provide cheap labor and natural
resources to richer countries to be used in the manufacture of finished
goods, with rich countries placing protectionist barriers on the exports
by poorer countries of locally manufactured products, such as textiles
and agricultural products.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1330">This system has the effect of
retarding local economic development that would require the use of
local resources, including local/regional languages (<a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-675" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-675">Romaine, 2015</a>).
The belief that expanding access to English will help poor people
escape poverty does not reflect reality on the ground. Even in poor
countries, small numbers of <a name="p233" class="gmail-pageNumber"><span id="gmail-pageid_233" class="gmail-pageNumber">
(p. 233)
</span></a>socially and economically advantaged citizens benefit
from neoliberal policies, because they have access to high-quality
education (for example, in India and South Africa, as discussed in <a id="gmail-ref_oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-672" href="http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17#oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-672">Ricento, 2010</a>)
and political power. “Free market” capitalism for the poor countries
and corporate socialism for the rich countries means that language
policies based on regimes of language rights will not succeed in
reducing economic and social inequality. Groups who already speak
dominant languages and have privileged access to education and cultural
capital do not need more rights, and those who speak marginalized
languages and lack access to high-quality education and cultural capital
will not benefit by the granting of such rights.</p>
<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1331">I have suggested that the
preference for English as a global lingua franca, especially over the
past half-century, is conditioned by processes of economic globalization
and expansion of the digitalized knowledge economy that
disproportionately benefit some workers in some economic sectors and
geographical regions, but mostly benefit the corporations that employ
those workers. At this point in history, knowledge of certain varieties
of English, coupled with particular skill sets obtainable only through
high levels of education that are not universally accessible, is likely
to enhance the social mobility of some individuals. States that provide
affordable access to appropriate and high-quality English-language
education, and which have highly educated workers with skills in demand
in the knowledge economy, are in the game; states lacking in both will
continue to lag far behind. But English is merely the language of the
moment, not the inherent “hegemon,” not the de facto oppressor, and most
certainly <i>not</i> the ticket to social or economic mobility that it
is claimed to be, either overtly or implicitly, by supporters and
apologists for the current world neoliberal economic order.</p>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-section-38" class="gmail-div1"><h1><p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-p-1332">Acknowledgment</p></h1>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-div1-61" class="gmail-div1">
<span id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-6732" class="gmail-bibItem">Ricento, Thomas (2012), Political Economy and English as a “Global” Language, <i>Critical Multilingualism Studies</i> 1, 30–52</span><span id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-6740" class="gmail-bibItem">Ricento, Thomas (Ed.) (2015), <i>Language Policy and Political Economy: English in a Global Context</i>, Oxford: Oxford University Press</span><p>Versions of some portions of the material presented in this chapter were previously published in ; and in .</p>
</div>
</div>
<div id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-section-39" class="gmail-div1">
<div class="gmail-bibliographyGroup"><a name="oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibliographyGroup-11"></a>
<div class="gmail-bibliography"><a name="oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibliography-11"></a>
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<p id="gmail-oxfordhb-9780190458898-e-17-bibItem-686">William, G. (2010). <i>The knowledge economy, language, and culture.</i> Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.<span class="gmail-findthisresourcehead">Find this resource:</span></p></div></div></div></div></div></div>
<br clear="all"><br>-- <br><div class="gmail_signature" data-smartmail="gmail_signature">=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+<br><br> Harold F. Schiffman<br><br>Professor Emeritus of <br> Dravidian Linguistics and Culture <br>Dept. of South Asia Studies <br>University of Pennsylvania<br>Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305<br><br>Phone: (215) 898-7475<br>Fax: (215) 573-2138 <br><br>Email: <a href="mailto:haroldfs@gmail.com" target="_blank">haroldfs@gmail.com</a><br><a href="http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/" target="_blank">http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/</a> <br><br>-------------------------------------------------</div>
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