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<h2 class="gmail-main-entry-title" style="font-size:38px"> Too Many Languages? Multilingualism Leads to Conflict in Morocco</h2>
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(MENAFN - Morocco World News) By Ossama Bziker Kenitra -
Many believe that the language situation in Morocco is more of a
conflict than an advantage. Most language conflicts stem from the
unbalanced status allocated to each language in a single country.
Language conflicts take place, most of the time, in multilingual
countries such as Morocco. Its strategic location at the gateway between
Africa, Europe, and the Middle East has caused Morocco to be influenced
by multiple waves such as the Arabs, Spaniards, Portuguese, and French.
Morocco has a variety of languages spoken within the country. The first
group includes Moroccan Arabic and Tamazight (Berber), which are held
in low esteem by society. The second group includes French and Standard
Arabic, which are the languages of administration and are held in high
esteem by Moroccans. This interaction between languages creates a realm
for competition, which results in a class struggle, as Grandguillaume
puts it (Saib, 2001: 5). Language Policy in Morocco In regard to the
diversity of Moroccan languages, Zouhir argues that the Moroccan
linguistic repertoire includes two groups. The first includes Moroccan
Arabic and Tamazight, which occupies a vulnerable social status in
Morocco. The second category includes French, Standard Arabic, and
English. These languages are used in administration Dawn Marley argues
that there are three languages that enrich Moroccan language repertoire:
Tamazight, Arabic, and French. She thinks that these three languages
are the ones that must be included in any discussion related to language
issues (Marley, 2005). Read Also: Tamazight: Combatting 'Linguistic
Terrorism' in Morocco Saib analyzes the linguistic situation in Morocco
in a more detailed approach. He refers to the two languages that have
native speakers and are the mother tongues of Moroccans, both inside and
outside of Morocco. He says, 'Moroccan Arabic and Berber are the only
varieties that are spoken natively' (Saib, 2001). Other languages, such
as Standard Arabic, French, Spanish, and English, are limited to
schools. Boukous thinks that there are competition and power struggles
among languages as well as between the two groups of language (Zouhir,
2013). Another thing that Saib mentions is that policy-makers have
favored the use of French against Standard Arabic as the most
appropriate language for instruction in schools (Saib, 2001). To support
his argument, Saib claims that the Royal Commission on the Reform of
Education does not include the use of mother tongues (Tamazight and
Moroccan Arabic), and he added that the policy is still the same today.
Furthermore, Saib unravels some of the paradoxes, utilizing the figures
from the 1994 Census. Saib notices that the Amazigh (Berber) population
is estimated to be 38.64% of the total Moroccan population. If that is
added to the number of Tamazight speakers dwelling in urban cities and
outside of Morocco, it will push the percentage to reach 60%, as
estimated by some Amazigh scholars (Saib, 2001). According to these
figures, if correct, one can only notice that Tamazight is minimized
even though the Tamazight language is a majority language (Ibid). One of
the reasons behind minimizing the Tamazight language, Saib argues, is
obviously political: The ethnocentric pan-Arabist political
establishment, which has been repeating ad nauseum that Morocco is an
Arab country and that Moroccans are Arabs, does not obviously want the
Amazigh to know how many they are, hence their demographic weight, for
fear that they may demand a political power corresponding to it (Saib,
2001:1) Read Also: Moha Ennaji Presents Anthropological Study of Morocco
in 'The Olive Tree of Wisdom' The demographic weight obviously poses a
threat to the elite's ideological plan. Moreover, Marley thinks that
reinstating Arabic was a means of preserving Morocco's Arab-Islamic
identity, and its epistemological break with Western ties. (Marley,
2005:1488). She also added that during the Arabization plan, people
thought that it was a good move since they had never been exposed to
foreign languages or Classical Arabic (Ibid). Saib states that the
sociolinguistic situation of both Tamazight and Moroccan Arabic is
inherently motivated by ideological and political intentions (Saib,
2001:4). Marley, following in the footsteps of Saib, argues that 'A
powerful motivation behind the policy is the pursuit and maintenance of
power: the 'élite' promote Arabization from virtuous ideological
motives, but in the knowledge that French continues to be necessary for
social and professional success' (Marley, 2005: 1489). Saib asserts that
specialists in the field, who take into consideration sociolinguists'
findings and literature, are the ones who should carry on language
policy and planning (Saib, 2001). Language Conflict in Morocco The
language situation in Morocco can be seen as 'simplex'; it is simple but
complex at the same time. On one level, foreigners see multilingualism
in Morocco as richness. On the other level, theorists like Saib see it
as complex and unfair. When Arabization was first established by the
Istiqlal-led first national government (1955-1956), it was based on
purely political and ideological intentions (Saib, 2001). The
sociolinguistic status assigned to Tamazight and Moroccan Arabic during
independence was the work of the pro-Arabization 'nationalist' elite,
who chose the language that suited their agenda (Ibid). 'They have been
subjected to a consciously planned process of minorization and excluded
from the school domain' (Saib, 2001:4). Read Also: Why the English
Language Is Vital for the Future of Morocco Saib says that Tamazight and
Moroccan Arabic were regarded as vernaculars that are considered
stigmatized forms of speaking used in casual settings (Ibid). Marley
argues that Tamazight language and culture are held in low esteem, and
are regarded as 'synonymous with inferiority and ignorance' (Marley,
2005). Boukous says that an analysis of the sociolinguistic situation in
North Africa reveals the hierarchy and classification of languages
according to various ecological factors, such as the economy, politics,
the marketplace, and technology (Boukous, 2008:35). When Morocco gained
independence in 1956, several reforms took place in its linguistic
policies. For Morocco to break with Western influence, it declared
Classical Arabic as the official language of the country alongside the
Arabization policy (Zouhir, 2013: 274). The purpose of Arabization was
to bring the country together, but it did not respect the multilingual
voices that inhabit Morocco (Zouhir, 2013: 274). Morocco implemented the
same strategy that the French adopted during their colonization in
Morocco. 'During the French occupation for 44 years from 1912 to 1956,
French was imposed and instituted as the main language of instruction at
all levels of education, and Arabic as a foreign language' (Redouane,
2016: 19). In fact, back in 1930, the French used Tamazight dialects and
the Arabic vernaculars, through the 'Dahir berbère' (Berber Decree), to
help divide the country in order to rule more widely (Redouane, 2016:
19). After the failure of Arabization, Grandguillaume saw 'Arabization
as a class struggle' (Saib, 2001). Tamazight speakers started voicing
their rights; it was time for a reform that could actually deliver solid
results. Read Also: Six Things Students of Arabic Should Know before
Starting Their Language Journey Years have passed searching for the
absolute solution for the linguistic catastrophe Morocco has suffered.
The Charter for Educational Reform, created in 2000, calls for a drastic
linguistic change. Article 110 in the Charter states, 'Morocco will now
be adopting a 'clear, coherent and constant language policy within
education'. This policy has three major thrusts: 'the reinforcement and
improvement of Arabic teaching', 'diversification of languages for
teaching science and technology' and an 'openness to Tamazight' (Marley,
2005: 1489). Openness towards Tamazight is a huge jump towards
inclusion. Although many might not see this step as being enough, at
least it represents movement toward change and an admission that not all
Moroccans are Arabs. As Berdouzi suggests (2000: 26), if the Charter
delivers what it promised, young Moroccans will excel in Standard
Arabic, as well as use it appropriately in different domains, and they
will also excel in at least two foreign languages, which they will use
in several contexts (Marley, 2005: 1490). Morocco has adopted many
reforms in the past. Although these decisions by previous policy-makers
were somewhat poor, they tried to adapt and form a linguistically-united
Morocco. Regardless of their agendas and intentions, the changes and
reforms that have occurred in Morocco are solid steps toward changing
what went wrong and preventing it from happening in the future.
Challenges will always present themselves. For example, Tamazight is
limited to the elementary level and Standard Arabic is supposed to be
used in higher education. Moreover, the Charter suggested that Morocco
has opened up to foreign languages without specifying what languages.
This leaves the foreign languages in a state of rivalry. However, this
does not mean change stops here or that it will take place overnight.
This process of recreating policies and correcting the mistakes of the
past is a healthy one. Morocco has to learn from its mistakes and evolve
toward a better future. The views expressed in this article are the
author's own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News'
editorial views. © Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This
material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed without"</p><p>MENAFN2605201801600000ID1096910410</p></div>
<br clear="all"><br>-- <br><div class="gmail_signature" data-smartmail="gmail_signature">=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+=+<br><br> Harold F. Schiffman<br><br>Professor Emeritus of <br> Dravidian Linguistics and Culture <br>Dept. of South Asia Studies <br>University of Pennsylvania<br>Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305<br><br>Phone: (215) 898-7475<br>Fax: (215) 573-2138 <br><br>Email: <a href="mailto:haroldfs@gmail.com" target="_blank">haroldfs@gmail.com</a><br><a href="http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/" target="_blank">http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/</a> <br><br>-------------------------------------------------</div>
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