periphrastic forms plus negation

[Peter Arkadiev]

Dear colleagues,

I would like to ask whether you know of any parallels to the following phenomenon in Lithuanian, where in the periphrastic perfect consisting of an auxiliary and a participle the negative prefix can attach to either of them (with very subtle semantic differences which should not concern us here), cf. (1a) and (1b) (both attested in natural texts)

(1a) ne-su skait-ęs šitos knygos
       neg-aux.prs.1sg read-part that book
(1b) esu ne-skait-ęs šitos knygos
       aux.prs.1sg neg-read-part that book
'I have not read this book'

The question is actually twofold:
1) More specifically, do you know other examples of periphrastic perfects/resultatives which would show similar dual behaviour with respect to negation? And, on the other hand, I'd be grateful for explicit statements that in this or that language with periphrastic perfect such duality is not attested (as e.g. in English or in Bulgarian).
2) Less specifically, do you know other examples of periphrastic grams which would show similar dual behaviour with respect to scope-taking operators (not necessarily negation)? I am certainly aware of more or less common instances of similar kind with modal predicates, but what about other kinds of periphrastic grams?

Thank you very much in advance and best wishes,

Peter

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Peter Arkadiev, PhD
Institute of Slavic Studies
Russian Academy of Sciences
Leninsky prospekt 32-A 119334 Moscow
peterarkadiev at yandex.ru
http://www.inslav.ru/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=279