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Dear colleagues from ALT and "Linguistik",<br>
after my request from the middle of December concerning self-referring
names of speech communities ("our language" and the like) I
received a large number of really interesting replies. Some of them were
distributed by their authors on the list already. I nevertheless decided
to compose a kind of digest of the replies received from both e-mail
lists.<br>
<x-tab> </x-tab>I have got
replies from Winfried Böder, Mily Crevels, Östen Dahl, Dan Everett,
Maria-José Ezeizabarrena, Jan Terje Faarlund, Francesca Fici, Viktor
Friedman, David Gil, Gideon Goldenberg, Claude Hagčge, Elke Hentschel,
László Honti, Valerij Khabirov, Johanna Laakso, Martin Mato, Kazuto
Matsumara, Thomas Menzel, Johanna Nichols, Alberto Nocentini, Michael
Noonan, Elke Nowak, Manfred Ostrowski, Paolo Ramat, Jeanette Sakel, Pilar
Maritza Valenzuela. All of them I want to thank in the first place (if I
have forgotten somebody, please excuse me). I also want to thank Mikael
Parkvall, who sent me a file with an alphabetical list of
"glossonyms" (if you want a copy you should ask him directly:
parkvall@ling.su.se). As you will see from the table in the first
attachment, the phenomenon I am searching for can be encountered on the
predominant number of continents; the only continents I have not got any
information on are Australia and Northern America. I guess this is just
an incidental fact resulting not from the non-occurrence of this
phenomenon on these two continents, but from lack of information on it.
If anybody knows more on this topic, please let me know.<br>
<x-tab> </x-tab>What can
be generalized so far?<br>
1. In many aboriginal languages no special name for the ethnic group's
own dialect/language exists, nor are there special ethnonyms. A
widespread technique of referring to the speech of one's own ethnic group
is just to take the word for 'speech, talk, language, tongue, word' and
add a determiner to them: mostly a possessive pronoun (1.pl) or a
possessive suffix on a 1.pl personal pronoun is used, but a definite
article (if it exists, e.g. in Arabic) may suffice, too. If the language
distinguishes between 1.pl exclusive and inclusive, the inclusive is used
throughout<b> </b>(with the somewhat artificial exception of Itonama in
Amazonian Bolivia!). Often only the word for 'our(s)' is used, thus
identifying the native tongue with ethnic membership by treating the
tongue as the central distinguishing feature against other ethnic groups.
This can be observed both in South America and on the Balkans. A less
common technique seems to be to refer to the place where the ethnic group
lives (see however Goldenberg's e-mail).<br>
2. Ethnic and dialect/language names are often not distinguished from one
another. They are often not restricted to one particular linguistic
and/or ethnic group, but may embrace neighboring indigenous groups, e.g.
in the Caucasus (cf. Nichols' contribution). I guess that this is
basically an outcome of the same opposition as in the next point.<br>
3. As for South American indigenous languages, it seems to be the case
that the terms for the group's own dialect (which, as I guess, is more
often than not a minority dialect, in many cases on the verge of
extinction) were invented after the European conquest and after Spanish
(probably also Portuguese?) began to dominate linguistically as linguae
francae and as languages, which -- in one way or other -- are spoken by
the indigenous peoples as second or first (?) language. The ethno- and
glossonyms for these ethnic groups are often used and general terms in
order to oppose the indigenous people from the dominating white people
(i.e. only Spanish-speaking population). Cf. the contributions by Mily
Crevels, Dan Everett and Jan Terje Faarlund.<br>
4. Somewhat in contrast to this, on the Balkans and in the Black Sea
region designations like 'our language/speech' derive from a period
before national consciousness, when religion (Christian, Moslem etc.) was
the basic feature by which people identified with each other (cf.
Friedman's e-mail from 12/14/02).<br><br>
There are two general problems of a methodological character:<br>
5. Do the self-designations coincide with the designations given by
outsiders (researchers, state officials etc.)? This quite often seems to
have been the case with South American indigenous languages (looked at
from the "Spanish" perspective).<br>
6. To which degree are coinages given by the speech communities
themselves conventionalized (for the respective community)?<br><br>
Now, the reason for my request was that I was curious if there are
certain patterns for ethnic groups in a socially disfavourable position
to refer to their own "lect", which are comparable to those
which I have observed myself in the borderland region of Lithuania,
Latvia and Belarus'. The variety I am thinking of is called 'mowa prosta'
(lit. 'simple, ordinary speech'). This is a kind of uncodified, only
spoken mixture of several Belarusian dialects with elements from Polish
and on a Lithuanian substratum, which hitherto has been described neither
in structural nor in sociolinguistic terms, the reason being most
probably that traditional dialectologists have not worried about this
unprestigious variety, which does not seem to have clear roots in any of
the traditional, "time-honoured" Belarusian dialects and has
been perceived (both by the speakers and by the researchers) in
opposition to regional Polish (with a high prestige), lately also in
opposition to standard Lithuanian (after 1990). The description of the
mowa prosta has thus been hampered by a some (socio)linguistic
prejudices. Paradoxically enough, however, this variety is perhaps the
most widely spoken one by Slavic speakers, although it would be difficult
to state ultimately whether it is the first language (in terms of
language acquisition and of frequency of use in "adult life")
of the majority of people who use it.<br>
<x-tab> </x-tab>The term
'mowa prosta' most probably arose first in the mouths of the speakers
themselves at the end of the 19th c. (or even earlier). Later
dialectologists and field-workers began to use this denomination as a
kind of quotation, but meanwhile it has become a quite widespread term
among specialists of that region. This term however has not been defined
in any stricter manner.<br>
<x-tab> </x-tab>'Mowa
prosta' refers only to the linguistic variety, in ethnic terms the
speakers would rather refer to themselves as 'tutejsi' (lit. 'the people
from here', 'the here-ians'). Linguistic and ethnic identity, thus, do
not necessarily coincide for these people, but both terms are clearly
used in place of (and in contrast to) denominations which would associate
these people closely to speakers of either Belarusian, Polish or
Lithuanian. Both terms derive from a period before national
consciousness, and to this extent the situation is comparable to the
situation on the Balkans (see above p. 4). But neither of these terms is
associated to religion in such strict a manner. For sure, most speakers
of 'mowa prosta' are Catholics of Belarusian origin (often on a
Lithuanian ethnic and linguistic substratum), and many (most?) of them
speak also a regional variety of Polish (at least on "official"
occasions), the language tightly associated with Catholicism. However,
both 'mowa prosta' and 'tutejsi' are self-designations used in lack of a
clear national, linguistic and even religious membership. They just
stress the fact that people are autochthonous and can be used as a
safe-guard against different kinds of politics. For during the last
centuries political and administrative borders and, as a consequence,
languages compulsory at school and in official places have changed
frequently (only during the 20th c. in some subregions they changed no
less than five times). Indigenous people, thus, do not know (and are not
fond of knowing) "to whom they belong". They are staying just
there where they and their ancestors have been living all the time.
Typical for the whole region is a high degree of multilingualism
(multidialectism), where people adapt to each other's dialect (speech)
very willingly and quickly. The structural features of 'mowa prosta'
testify a degree of convergence of Belarusian (East Slavic), Polish (West
Slavic) and Lithuanian (Baltic) features, part of them is common to the
eastern part of the Circum-Baltic Area as a whole.<br><br>
I would be curious if there are similar "sociolinguistic
constellations" in other parts (contact zones) of the
world.<br><br>
With best wishes and regards,<br>
Bjoern Wiemer.<br><br>
<br>
<x-sigsep><p></x-sigsep>
PD Dr. Bjoern Wiemer<br>
Universitaet Konstanz<br>
FB Sprachwissenschaft / Slavistik<br>
Postfach 55 60, D 179<br>
D- 78457 Konstanz<br><br>
tel.: ++49 / 7531 / 88 -2582<br>
fax: ++49 / 7531 / 88 -4007<br>
e-mail: Bjoern.Wiemer@uni-konstanz.de<br>
<a href="http://www.uni-konstanz.de/FuF/Philo/Sprachwiss/slavistik/wiemer/index.htm" eudora="autourl">http://www.uni-konstanz.de/FuF/Philo/Sprachwiss/slavistik/wiemer/index.htm</a></html>