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<TITLE>Re: perception verbs used as deictic (or non-deictic) presentational particles</TITLE>
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<FONT FACE="Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:12.0px'>Dear Nicholas,<BR>
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also in Czech (my native language) there is a deictic that has developed through grammaticalization of a perception verb, although I would hesitate to call it a <B>presentational</B> deictic.<BR>
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The source form of the deictic is the imperative of the verb HLEDJ-ET 'to look' (I’m not using the standard Czech orthography here). The verb itself is bookish and not used in colloquial Czech (which employs DJÍVAT SE or KOUKAT SE instead), while the deictic <B>is</B> typical of the colloquial register.<BR>
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The deictic still retains some verbal properties, viz. inflection for the number and/or the relative social status of the addressee(s). (The social-deictic distinction in Czech pronouns and verb inflection is much like the French TU vs. VOUS distinction, both structurally and functionally.)<BR>
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</SPAN></FONT><OL><LI><FONT FACE="Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:12.0px'>The forms HELEDJTE (< plural imperative HLEDJ-TE) is used when speaking to more addressees (of any social status) or when speaking to a single addressee of the VOUS status.
</SPAN></FONT><LI><FONT FACE="Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:12.0px'>The form HELEDJ (< singular imperative HLEDJ) is used when speaking to a single addressee of the TU status.
</SPAN></FONT><LI><FONT FACE="Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:12.0px'>The form HELE (< HELEDJ) is typically used like the form 2 (by all speakers of Colloquial Czech), but can also be used like the form 1, i.e. when speaking to more addressees or a VOUS addressee (by some speakers only). This form is by far the most common of all.
</SPAN></FONT><LI><FONT FACE="Verdana, Helvetica, Arial"><SPAN STYLE='font-size:12.0px'>The form HELEME appears to be an analogical creation consisting of the form 3 plus the verbal 1PL suffix –ME, rather than a result of grammaticalisation from the 1PL imperative HLEDJ-ME. It is used as an inclusive form.<BR>
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It seems peculiar that the grammaticalized forms 1 and 2 are one-phoneme longer than their source imperative forms, at least synchronically! Phonological reduction between 2 > 3 goes hand in hand with a functional extension with regard to the properties of the addressee. The forms 1, 2 and 4 (but not 3) can show formal reflexivization: HELEDJTE SE, HELEDJ SE, HELEME SE, but not *HELE SE.<BR>
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The unreflexivized forms appear to be much more common as deictic particles introducing NPs. They take the nominative case with nouns, e.g. HELE KRÁVA! “look, a cow!; (t)here is a cow!”, but the accusative case with personal pronouns, e.g. HELE HO! “look at what he’s doing!; here he comes! etc.”. (The source verb, on the other hand, requires a preposition, e.g. HLEDJ <B>NA</B> KRÁVU ~ NJEHO! “look at a/the cow ~ him!”.) The referent of the NP must be visible: the original perception (vision) meaning has not been bleached enough for the deictic to become a general-purpose presentational deictic. (I do not dare to go into a detailed functional analysis without other than introspection data.) In addition, all of the forms, including the reflexivized ones, can function as discourse markers of the English LOOK type, e.g. HELEDJ SE, TOHLE NEMÁ CENU “look, this does not make any sense”.<BR>
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To conclude: the Czech HELE etc. deictic appears to fulfil functions intermediate between the imperative of a perception verb and a presentational particle of the VOILA/VOICI type.<BR>
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<I>Viktor ElÅ¡ík (Elsik)<BR>
</I><BR>
Department of General Linguistics and Finno-Ugric Studies<BR>
Faculty of Arts and Humanities (Philosophical Faculty)<BR>
Charles University<BR>
Prague<BR>
<BR>
<I>Email: viktor_elsik@email.cz<BR>
Homepage: <a href="http://ulug.ff.cuni.cz/osobni/elsik">http://ulug.ff.cunicz/osobni/elsik</a><BR>
<BR>
Correspondence address:<BR>
</I>Viktor Elsik<BR>
Libusina 429<BR>
25263 Roztoky u Prahy<BR>
Czech Republic<BR>
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<FONT COLOR="#008000">>> Dear Colleagues,<BR>
>> <BR>
>> I am looking for examples in different languages where a perception verb,<BR>
>> maybe something like 'see', has been grammaticalized as a 'deictic<BR>
>> presentational' particle, or anything functionally close to that (for<BR>
>> example, it might also function as a non-deictic presentational particle, in<BR>
>> an 'existential' construction meaning 'there is a X.').<BR>
>> <BR>
>> Can anyone help me?<BR>
>> <BR>
>> The only two clear examples of deictic presentational particles that I know <BR>
>> of so far are from French and from Classical and Koine Greek:<BR>
>> <BR>
>> FRENCH:<BR>
>> Voilà mon ami. 'There's my friend'<BR>
>> Voici mon frère, Trey. 'Here's my brother, Trey'<BR>
>> Le voilà. 'There he is' (le is unambiguously the object case, not<BR>
>> subject/nominative)<BR>
>> <BR>
>> CLASSICAL and KOINE GREEK:<BR>
>> idou hudOr 'Here's/There's (some) water!' (idou is unmarked for near/far<BR>
>> deixis)<BR>
>> idou egO 'Here I am!' (egO is unambiguously nominative case)<BR>
>> <BR>
>> Knud Lambrecht counts voilà as 'a frozen form of the imperative of voir "to<BR>
>> see" meaning literally "see there".'<BR>
>> <BR>
>> Greek idou derives from the singular imperative of the middle aorist stem<BR>
>> eidon '(I) saw'. As far as I understand, middle forms were slowly falling<BR>
>> out of classical Greek, and by Koine times, the middle of eidon is only used<BR>
>> as this grammaticalized deictic presentational particle. (The active forms<BR>
>> of eidon, however, continued to be in use, so the real aorist imperative<BR>
>> 'see!' or 'look at!' was ide [singular] or idete [plural].)<BR>
>> <BR>
>> I would be very grateful for any examples people could share with me, or<BR>
>> references to literature. If possible, please explain what case the<BR>
>> introduced NP is in (object or subject case, etc.), and whether or not the<BR>
>> construction is neutral for near/far deixis (Greek idou is neutral).<BR>
>> <BR>
>> Many thanks for your attention.<BR>
>> <BR>
>> Nicholas Bailey<BR>
>> nicholas_bailey@sil.org <BR>
>> <BR>
>> <BR>
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