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Dear Yvonne,<br>
<br>
the following hints may be somehow relevant, at least to check the
original source – I'm sorry if you've checked Matti's work already.<br>
<br>
Miestamo (2003, etc. [I have only the thesis version at hand]) deals
with "standard negation" (SN), which excludes relative clauses by
definition (cf. <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://wals.info/feature/114">http://wals.info/feature/114</a>). Still, I found three
passages which may lead to relevant hints.<br>
<br>
Well, I hope my notes are somehow relevant for your task.<br>
<br>
Best,<br>
<br>
Thomas Hanke<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:thhanke@gmail.com">thhanke@gmail.com</a><br>
= = =<br>
Berlin Utrecht Reciprocals Survey<br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.reciprocals.eu">www.reciprocals.eu</a><br>
&<br>
Institut für Anglistik/Amerikanistik, FSU Jena <br>
<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="http://www.uni-jena.de/fsu/anglistik">www.uni-jena.de/fsu/anglistik</a><br>
= = =<br>
<br>
1. a close relative: Miestamo (2003:289-290) gives the following
overview of standard negation in Kemant<br>
(I quote without paradigms and some formatting): <br>
<br>
"125. Kemant (Kärkär)<br>
In Kärkär Kemant (Appleyard 1975, 1984), SN is expressed with
suffixes. The imperfective and perfective paradigms are illustrated in
(168).<br>
(168) Kärkär Kemant (Appleyard 1975: 333–334)<br>
[…]<br>
The negative imperfective suffix begins with -äg... and cannot be
further analysed into separate morphemes. The negative perfective
endings begin with -g... and cannot be further analysed. The negatives
are taken from the relative negative paradigm, which has pushed aside
the earlier main clause negatives. The construction is symmetric
neither with the main clause nor with the relative clause affirmatives.
There is A/Cat/TAM & A/Cat/PN asymmetry in the construction. The
distinction between main clause and relative clause negatives is lost,
but this neutralization is not taken into account in the investigation
of SN. […]"<br>
<br>
Of course, Matti compares the negative only to "
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<span class="T1">declarative verbal main clauses", so I can't tell what
the asymmetry is for relative clauses. <br>
<br>
2. Tamazight (Ayt Ndhir) (2003: 353) is probably not relevant. He just
mentions a similarity between negative and relative clauses. <br>
<br>
3. Nadëb (Miestamo 2003: 318-319) may be relevant, once again depending
on the details of relative clauses. In one type of SN, negative
relative clauses are used in an equative construction, in which
affirmative relatives cannot – whatever that means for other features
of relative clauses…<br>
<br>
</span>"Nadëb (Weir 1994) has two alternative SN constructions. […]<br>
The second construction, exemplified in (261) also involves an equative
clause; this time the predicate is turned into a grammaticalized
negative relative clause (GNRC) which then functions as the predicate
complement of the equative structure.<br>
[…]<br>
The GNRC is marked by the prefix na- and the non-finite nominal form of
the verb. The structure can be given the literal translation “somebody
is a non-V-er”. Non-negative relative clauses cannot occur in the same
kind of “grammaticalized” relative clause construction (but inherently
negative verbs without overt negative marking can)."<br>
<br>
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