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<p class="MsoNormal">My point is actually independent of the
question of whether
there are crosslinguistic categories.<span
style="mso-spacerun:yes">
</span>Even if there are/were crosslinguistic categories, it
doesn’t follow
that typological classification is based on those categories. My
statement that
“<span style="mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New
Roman"">classifying languages
typologically does not entail that the terms employed in the
typological
classification correspond to categories in the language</span>”
is consistent
with a position that classifying languages typologically
sometimes classifies
them on the basis of crosslinguistic categories and sometimes on
the basis of
semantically-defined notions or other notions independent of
crosslinguistic
categories. Randy’s statement that classifying a language as SVO
implies that
the language has categories of subject and object seems to imply
that
typological classification MUST be based on categories that
exist within the
individual languages.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But there is a good argument that in the case
in question,
any typological classification that was based on categories that
exist in
individual languages and on languages in which word order codes
subject and
object would be inadequate. As I argued in Dryer (1989),
languages in which
word order does not code grammatical relations and in which the
word order is
not based on grammatical relations but in which VO word order is
more common
tend to have word order properties associated with VO word
order, like
prepositions, while analogous languages in which OV word order
is more common
tend to have word order properties associated with OV word
order, like
postpositions. What this means is that the GRAMMARS of what I
classify as VO
languages have nothing in common. It is only the languages that
have something
in common at the level of usage. Hence any notion of SVO
language restricted to
languages in which there are subject and object categories and
in which word
order is determined by grammatical relations will necessarily
fail as the basis
of word order correlations.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The problem with Randy’s position (and
perhaps Jan’s) is
that he is making an a priori assumption on what is actually an
empirical
question.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<span style="font-size:12.0pt;font-family:"Times New
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</span>
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<br>
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<![endif]--><!--StartFragment--><!--EndFragment-->On 1/18/16 11:12 PM,
Martin Haspelmath wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote cite="mid:569DE1E1.4070707@shh.mpg.de" type="cite">
<meta content="text/html; charset=utf-8" http-equiv="Content-Type">
Unfortunately, to many people (not only generativists) it isn't
obvious at all that "classifying languages typologically does not
entail that the terms employed in the typological classification
correspond to categories in the language" (in other words, that
comparative concepts are distinct from descriptive categories).<br>
<br>
It seems that the default assumption of many people when they hear
a term like "dative" or "clitic" is that they are concepts like
"copper" or "red fox", i.e. natural kinds that exist independently
of individual language systems, just as red foxes can be
recognized independently of their habitats, and copper can even be
recognized independently of the planet on which is occurs. This is
false, but it hasn't been very widely recognized.<br>
<br>
In the 1980s, typologists discovered the important differences
between agents, topics, and syntactic pivots (as noted by Randy),
but such more fine-grained categories are still not sufficient for
describing any language. Agents can be different across languages,
topics can be different, and syntactic pivots can be different.
Thus, even "agent", "topic" and "pivot" can only be used as
comparative concepts, not as universally applicable descriptive
categories that would somehow have the same meaning in different
languages.<br>
<br>
Thus, it is not just confusing terminology (like Y.R. Chao's
"subject"), but also the presupposition that categories can be
carried over from one language to another that has confused
linguists.<br>
<br>
Martin<br>
<br>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 19.01.16 07:52, Matthew Dryer
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote cite="mid:569DDD3D.4000001@buffalo.edu" type="cite">
<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;
charset=utf-8">
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">Randy says that calling Chinese SVO
implies that Chinese has such categories. I am surprised that
he would say that. I would have thought it was obvious that
classifying languages typologically does not entail that the
terms employed in the typological classification correspond to
categories in the language. Nor does it mean that these
categories determine or are determined by word order. I have
certainly made that clear in my work that classifying a
language as SVO makes no claim about the categories in the
language, nor that these categories determine word order even
if the language has such categories.<br>
<br>
Matthew<br>
<br>
On 1/18/16 7:42 PM, Randy John LaPolla (Prof) wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote
cite="mid:2A374FEB-177D-460A-80CF-C11D256CEE24@ntu.edu.sg"
type="cite"> <font class="" face="Verdana" size="4">Dan’s
point is very important. For example, most people describing
languages do not know how to distinguish agents, topics, and
syntactic pivots (“subject”), and just call anything that
occurs initially as “subject”. Sometimes even when the
linguist is clear on the difference, they still use the word
“subject”. E.g. Y. R. Chao, in his grammar of spoken
Chinese, clearly stated there is nothing like what is
referred to as “subject” in English, as all clauses are
simply topic-comment, but he still used the term “subject”
for what he said was purely a topic. This has confused
generations of linguists, and they call Chinese SVO, which
not only implies that Chinese has such categories, but also
that these categories either determine or are determined by
word order. See the following paper arguing against the use
of such shortcuts, and arguing for more careful
determination of the factors determining word order in a
language:</font>
<div class=""><font class="" face="Verdana" size="4"><br
class="">
</font></div>
<div class="">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top:3pt;
margin-left:18pt; text-align:justify; text-indent:-18pt;
line-height:15pt"> <span class="" style="font-size:12pt"
lang="EN-AU">LaPolla, Randy J. & Dory Poa. 2006. On
describing word order. <i class="">Catching Language:
The Standing Challenge of Grammar Writing, </i>ed. by
Felix Ameka, Alan Dench, & Nicholas Evans, 269-295.
Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top:3pt;
margin-left:18pt; text-align:justify; text-indent:-18pt;
line-height:15pt"> <span class="" style="font-size:12pt"
lang="EN-AU"> </span><span class="" lang="EN-US"><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://randylapolla.net/papers/LaPolla_and_Poa_2006_On_Describing_Word_Order.pdf"
class=""><span class="" style="font-size:12pt"
lang="EN-AU"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://randylapolla.net/papers/LaPolla_and_Poa_2006_On_Describing_Word_Order.pdf">http://randylapolla.net/papers/LaPolla_and_Poa_2006_On_Describing_Word_Order.pdf</a></span></a></span><span
class="" style="font-size:12pt" lang="EN-AU"></span></p>
<div class="">
<div class=""><br class="">
</div>
<div class=""><font class="" face="Verdana" size="4">Randy</font></div>
<div class="">
<div class="">
<div class="">
<div class="" style="color:rgb(0,0,0);
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<div class=""><span class="Apple-style-span"
style="font-family:Calibri,sans-serif;
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<div class="" style="orphans:2; widows:2;
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class="" style="font-size:10pt;
font-family:Arial,sans-serif;
color:rgb(34,34,34);
background-color:white"><b
class="">Prof. Randy J. LaPolla,
PhD FAHA</b> （羅</span><span
class=""
style="color:rgb(34,34,34);
background-color:white;
font-size:13px"><font
class="Apple-style-span"
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Technological University</span><span
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</div>
<br class="Apple-interchange-newline">
<br class="Apple-interchange-newline">
</div>
<br class="">
<div>
<blockquote type="cite" class="">
<div class="">On 19 Jan 2016, at 10:21 am,
Everett, Daniel <<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:DEVERETT@bentley.edu" class="">DEVERETT@bentley.edu</a>>
wrote:</div>
<br class="Apple-interchange-newline">
<div class="">
<div dir="auto" class="">
<div class="">One of the biggest problems in
this regard that I have noticed is in
grammars of individual languages.
Fieldworkers sometimes confuse semantic and
formal categories in the grammars,
classifying as a syntactic structure a
semantic category. If typologists are not
careful writers/readers of grammars they may
bring such confusions into their typological
studies. Sounds obvious. But not always so. </div>
<div class=""><br class="">
</div>
<div class="">Dan<br class="">
<br class="">
Sent from my iPhone</div>
<div class=""><br class="">
On Jan 18, 2016, at 21:11, Matthew Dryer
<<a moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:dryer@buffalo.edu">dryer@buffalo.edu</a>>
wrote:<br class="">
<br class="">
</div>
<blockquote type="cite" class="">
<div class="">
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">
<p class="MsoNormal">I agree entirely
with Jan on the need to distinguish
semantic categories and formal
categories. In fact, in a paper of
mine that is I have nearly completed
revising, I have an entire section
arguing that generative approaches
fail to note the fact that a given
semantic category often has many
different formal expressions over
different languages and that this is
problematic for implicit assumptions
that equate semantic categories with
formal categories.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But Jan seems to
think that this presents some sort of
problem for the work I have done in
word order typology.<span class=""
style=""> </span>He says “<span
class="" style="font-family:Times"
lang="UZ-CYR">When these authors
subsequently formulate rules and
principles on the basis of the data
they collected, the semantic
category labels (Adjective,
Genitive, Relative Clause, but also
e.g. Demonstrative and Numeral)
appear to stand for <u class="">formal</u>
categories, i.e. categories whose
members are defined on the basis of
structural or morphosyntactic
criteria</span>”. But this is false.
They stand for semantic categories.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Jan seems to think
that it is somehow a problem that a
given semantic category may have many
different formal realizations across
different languages. However, neither
in his email nor in his 2009 paper in
LT does he explain why he sees this as
a problem.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal">There is, I admit,
a <i class="" style="">potential</i>
problem.<span class="" style=""> </span>Namely,
it might be the case that for the
purposes of word order correlations,
the syntactic realization of a
semantic category makes a major
difference and that lumping the
different syntactic realizations
together is obscuring these
differences. That is why I have spent
considerable time over the years
collecting data, not only on word
order in particular languages, but
also on the syntactic realization in
these languages, precisely to examine
empirically whether the syntactic
realization makes a difference. The
result is that while the syntactic
realization sometimes makes a small
difference, it is overall irrelevant:
by and large, generalizations over
semantic categories apply the same,
regardless of the syntactic
realization.</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"> </p>
<span class="" style="">Matthew</span> <br
class="">
<br class="">
<style class="">
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</style>On 1/18/16 4:41 AM, Jan Rijkhoff wrote:<br class="">
</div>
<blockquote type="cite" class="">
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="">I think
the last word has not been said
about Greenbergian word order
correlations, mainly because
semantic categories and formal
categories have not always been
clearly distinguished in
post-Greenberg (1963) word order
studies (Rijkhoff 2009a).* For
example, both Hawkins (1983: 12) and
Dryer (1992: 120) claimed that they
followed Greenberg (1963: 74) in
‘basically applying semantic
criteria’ to identify members of the
same category across languages, but
in practice these semantically
defined forms and constructions are
treated as formal entities. </p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="">If
Hawkins and Dryer applied semantic
criteria in their cross-linguistic
studies, this implies, for example,
that their semantic category
Adjective must also have included
verbal and nominal expressions of
adjectival notions (such as relative
clauses and genitives), which are
typically used in languages that
lack a dedicated class of
adjectives:</p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="text-autospace:none"><u
class=""><span class="" style="">Kiribati
</span></u><span class="" style="">(Ross
1998: 90)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="text-autospace:none"><span
class="" style="">(1)<i class="">
</i><i class="" style="">te<span
class="" style=""> </span>uee<span
class="" style=""> </span>ae<span
class="" style=""> </span>e<span
class="" style=""> </span>
tikiraoi</i><span class=""
style=""> </span>(relative
clause)</span><span class=""
style=""></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="text-autospace:none"><span
class="" style=""><span class=""
style=""> </span>art<span
class="" style=""> </span></span><span
class="" style="">flower <span
class=""
style="font-variant:small-caps">rel
</span>3<span class=""
style="font-variant:small-caps">sg.s
<span class="" style=""></span></span>be.pretty<span
class="" style=""> </span>
</span><span class="" style=""></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="text-autospace:none"><span
class="" style=""><span class=""
style=""> </span>‘a pretty
flower’ (lit. ‘a flower that
pretties’)<span class="" style="">
</span></span></p>
<div class="" style=""><span class=""
style=""> </span><br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><u
class=""><span class="" style="">Makwe</span></u><span
class="" style=""> (Devos 2008:
136)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><span
class="" style="">(2)<span
class="" style=""></span><i
class="" style=""> muú-nu<span
class="" style=""> </span>w-á=ki-búúli</i><span
class="" style="">
</span>(genitive)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><span
class="" style=""><span class=""
style=""> </span><span
class=""
style="font-variant:small-caps">nc1</span>-person
<span class=""
style="font-variant:small-caps">
pp1-gen=nc7</span>-silence</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><span
class="" style=""> ‘a silent
person’ (lit. ‘person of silence’)</span></p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="">Relative
Clause and Genitive are, however,
also semantic categories in their
own right in word order studies by
Dryer and Hawkins.</p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="">When
these authors subsequently formulate
rules and principles on the basis of
the data they collected, the
semantic category labels (Adjective,
Genitive, Relative Clause, but also
e.g. Demonstrative and Numeral)
appear to stand for <u class="">formal</u>
categories, i.e. categories whose
members are defined on the basis of
structural or morphosyntactic
criteria. This apparent change of
category is not explained, but can
be seen in the case of the
‘Heaviness Serialization Principle’
(Hawkins 1983: 90-91) and the
‘Branching Direction Theory’ (Dryer
1992).</p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-right:13.75pt;
text-autospace:none">Hawkins defined
‘heaviness’ in terms of such
non-semantic criteria as (a) length
and quantity of morphemes, (b)
quantity of words, (c) syntactic
depth of branching nodes, and (d)
inclusion of dominated constituents.
</p>
<div class=""
style="margin-right:13.75pt"> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="text-align:justify;
text-justify:inter-ideograph;
page-break-after:avoid;
text-autospace:none"> <span
class="" style="" lang="EN-GB">(3)<span
class="" style=""><i class="">
</i> </span><i class=""
style="">Heaviness Serialization
Principle</i></span><span
class="" style="" lang="EN-GB"><span
class="" style="">: </span>Rel<span
class="" style=""> </span>≥<sub
class="">R</sub><span class=""
style=""> </span>Gen<span
class="" style=""> </span>≥<sub
class="">R</sub><span class=""
style=""> </span>A<span
class="" style=""> </span>≥<sub
class="">R </sub><span class=""
style=""> </span>Dem/Num</span>
</p>
<div class=""
style="margin-right:13.75pt"> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-right:13.75pt;
text-autospace:none">Thus a member
of the (semantic? formal?) category
Relative Clause is ‘heavier’ than a
member of the (semantic? formal?)
category Adjective. But Hawkins’s
semantic category Adjective must
also have included members of the
‘heavy’ formal categories Genitive
and Relative Clause (see (1) and (2)
above). It is not clear whether the
original members of the single
semantic category Adjective were
later ‘re-categorized’ and
distributed over the formal
categories Adjective, Genitive and
Relative Clause in the <i class=""
style=""><span class="" style=""
lang="EN-GB">Heaviness
Serialization Principle</span></i>.</p>
<div class=""
style="margin-right:13.75pt"> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="">Dryer’s
‘Branching Direction Theory’ refers
to a structural feature of the
internal syntactic organization of a
constituent. According to the
‘Branching Direction Theory’,
relative clauses and genitives are
phrases, i.e. members of a branching
category, whose position relative to
the noun correlates with the
relative order of Verb and Object,
whereas adjectives are non-branching
elements, whose position relative to
the noun does not correlate with OV
or VO order (Dryer 1992: 107-8,
110-1). In this case, too, one may
assume that the semantic category
Adjective also included members of
the formal categories Genitive and
Relative Clause (see examples
above). Again we do not know what
happened to the branching/phrasal
members of the erstwhile(?) semantic
category Adjective (relative
clauses, genitives) when this
category was turned into the formal
(non-branching) category Adjective
that is part of the ‘Branching
Direction Theory’.</p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="">So as to
avoid categorial confusion in
cross-linguistic research (and so as
to make it possible to produce more
reliable results), it is necessary
to keep formal and semantic
categories apart, as members of
these two categories have their own
ordering rules or preferences. I
also think it is an illusion to
think we can give a satisfactory
account of the grammatical behaviour
of linguistic units -including word
order- without taking into
consideration functional
(interpersonal) categories or
‘discourse units’ (Rijkhoff 2009b,
2015). </p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="">*
Greenberg (1963: 88) made it clear
that he sometimes used formal
criteria to remove certain members
of a semantic category before he
formulated a universal, as in the
case of his Universal 22.</p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><font
class="" size="2"><b class=""
style="">References</b></font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><font
class="" size="2">Devos, M. 2008.
<i class="" style=""> A Grammar of
Makwe</i>. München: Lincom
Europa.</font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style=""><font
class="" size="2">Dryer, M. S.,
1992. The Greenbergian word order
correlations. <i class=""
style="">Language</i> 68-1,
81-138.</font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt"><font class=""
size="2">Greenberg, J. H. 1963.
Some universals of grammar with
particular reference to the order
of meaningful elements. In J. H.
Greenberg (ed.), <i class=""
style="">Universals of Language</i>,
73-113. Cambridge MA: MIT.</font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt"><font class=""
size="2">Hawkins, J. A., 1983. <i
class="" style="">Word Order
Universals: Quantitative
analyses of linguistic structure</i>.
New York: Academic Press.</font></p>
<p class="" style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt"><font class=""
size="2"><span class="" style="">Rijkhoff,
J. 2009a. </span><span class=""
style="">On the (un)suitability
of semantic categories. <i
class="" style=""> Linguistic
Typology</i> 13-1, 95‑104.</span></font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt;
text-autospace:none"> <font
class="" size="2"><span class=""
style="">Rijkhoff, Jan. 2009b. </span>On
the co-variation between form and
function of adnominal possessive
modifiers in Dutch and English. <span
class="" style="">In William B.
McGregor (ed.), <i class=""
style="">The Expression of
Possession</i> (</span>The
Expression of Cognitive Categories
[ECC] 2),<span class="" style="">
51‑106. Berlin and New York:
Mouton de Gruyter.</span></font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt;
text-autospace:none"> <font
class="" size="2"><span class=""
style="">Rijkhoff, J. 2015. Word
order. In James D. Wright
(editor-in-chief), <i class=""
style="">International
Encyclopedia of the Social
& Behavioral Sciences
(Second Edition)</i>, Vol. 25,
644–656. Oxford: Elsevier.</span><span
class="" style=""></span></font></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt"><font class=""
size="2">Ross, M. 1998.
Proto-Oceanic adjectival
categories and their morphosyntax.
<i class="" style="">Oceanic
Linguistics</i> 37-1, 85-119.</font></p>
<div class=""
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt"><span
class="p-match"> </span><br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="margin-left:14.2pt;
text-indent:-14.2pt"><span
class="p-match">Jan Rijkhoff</span></p>
<div class="" style=""> <br
class="webkit-block-placeholder">
</div>
<div class="">
<div class=""
style="font-family:Tahoma;
font-size:13px"> </div>
</div>
<div class=""
style="font-family:'Times New
Roman'; font-size:16px">
<hr tabindex="-1" class="">
<div id="divRpF867311" class=""
style="direction:ltr"><font
class="" face="Tahoma" size="2"><b
class="">From:</b> Lingtyp [<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a></a>]
on behalf of Alan Rumsey [<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:Alan.Rumsey@anu.edu.au"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:Alan.Rumsey@anu.edu.au">Alan.Rumsey@anu.edu.au</a></a>]<br
class="">
<b class="">Sent:</b> Monday,
January 18, 2016 12:23 PM<br
class="">
<b class="">To:</b> <a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org"> </a><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a></a><br
class="">
<b class="">Subject:</b> Re:
[Lingtyp] Structural congruence
as a dimension of language
complexity/simplicity<br
class="">
</font><br class="">
</div>
<div class=""><span
id="OLK_SRC_BODY_SECTION"
class="" style="">
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF" class="">Many
thanks to all of you who
responded to my posting on
this topic, both online and
off. All the readings you have
pointed me to have indeed been
highly relevant and very
useful, including an excellent
recent publication by Jennifer
Culbertson that she pointed me
to in her offline response,
at <a moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01964/abstract">http://journal.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01964/abstract</a></div>
</span>
<div class="" style=""><br
class="">
</div>
<div class="" style="">Thanks
especially to Matthew Dryer for
pointing out that the
Greenbergian ‘universal’ I had
used as an example – the
putative association between VSO
and noun-adjective order — had
been falsified by his much more
thorough 1992 study <span
class=""
style="background-color:rgb(255,255,255)">“The
Greenbergian Word Order
Correlations”. My reading of
that article and further
correspondence with him has
confirmed that, by contrast,
Greenberg’s universals no 3
and 4 were solidly confirmed
by his study, namely that SOV </span>languages
are far more likely to have
postpositions than prepositions
and that the reverse is true for
VSO languages. </div>
<div class="" style=""><br
class="">
</div>
<div class="">Drawing on all your
suggestions, Francesca
and I have now finished a draft
of the paper referred to in my
posting, called '<span class=""
style="text-align:center"><span
class="" lang="EN-US">Structural
Congruence as a Dimension of
Language Complexity: </span></span><span
class="" lang="EN-US">An
Example from Ku Waru Child
Language’.<b class=""> </b></span>If
any of you would like to read it
please let me know and I’ll send
it to you.</div>
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<div class="">Alan</div>
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<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
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