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    Two unrelated comments on Martin's latest.<br>
    <br>
    First, I think that one can indeed argue that sex is less important
    for cousins than for siblings.  One of several possible reasons: 
    Given a culture with nuclear families, limited bathroom facilities,
    and modesty constraints governing cross-sex bathing, whether my
    siblings were brothers or sisters would affect my daily life much
    more than whether my cousins, who I only met once a month, were male
    or female.<br>
    <br>
    Secondly, some very rough and ready frequency counts from two
    languages of Indonesia that distinguish gender for older siblings
    but not younger ones:<br>
    <br>
    Minangkabau<br>
    591 - younger sibling<br>
    998 - older sister<br>
    1197 - older brother<br>
    <br>
    Jakarta Indonesian<br>
    3050 - younger sibling<br>
    749 - older sister<br>
    710 - older brother<br>
    <br>
    Minangkabau conforms to what I take to be Martin's generalization: 
    older siblings are more important than younger ones, and this is
    reflected both in (a) a gender distinction, and (b) greater
    frequency, a roughly 4:1 ratio.  However, Jakarta Indonesian
    exhibits a conflicting pattern, in which younger siblings are
    referred to roughly twice as frequently as both male and female
    older siblings together. These differences could be due to
    differences between the languages, or differences between the
    corpora, or both.  Lots more work needed here ...<br>
    <br>
    <br>
    <br>
    <div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 21/07/2017 10:39, Martin Haspelmath
      wrote:<br>
    </div>
    <blockquote cite="mid:5971BDCA.8040806@shh.mpg.de" type="cite">
      <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8">
      It is indeed an interesting suggestion (by Bingfu Lu) that sex
      neutralization in kinship terms is related to the importance of
      sex for observers. This factor may also explain that we often have
      sex-differentiated terms for domestic animals, but rarely for wild
      animals.<br>
      <br>
      But the "importance" of sex differentiation is not easy to assess.
      As Greenberg notes, there is a tendency to neutralize sex also in
      more remote relationships (e.g. with cousins, where even English
      neutralizes, and with in-laws), and it is hard to argue, for
      example, that sex is less important in cousins than in siblings.
      So maybe frequency of use is a better explanation after all? Does
      anyone have frequency counts for 'younger sibling' and 'older
      sibling' terms? (And frequency counts for domestic as opposed to
      wild animals?)<br>
      <br>
      <div class="moz-cite-prefix">I also have a comment on Maïa
        Ponsonnet's crictical remark concerning the term "universal":<br>
      </div>
      <blockquote
        cite="mid:592673830.1620490.1500592591535@mail.yahoo.com"
        type="cite">
        <div style="font-family:courier new, courier, monaco, monospace,
          sans-serif;font-size:medium;">
          <div>
            <div>
              <!--StartFragment-->
              <div><small>However, I wonder is calling such hypotheses
                  "universals" too early can create other problems. We
                  may then omit to disqualify the hypothesis, even after
                  many, many counter-examples have been provided. So we
                  may end up postulating universality based on say, 10
                  cases, and 10 years later still be busy providing
                  counter-examples for what we still call a "(potential)
                  universal" while say, 20 counter-examples, have
                  already been provided.</small></div>
              <small> </small>
              <div><small><br>
                </small></div>
              <small> </small>
              <div><small>So perhaps calling it "hypothetical
                  implication" may be safer?</small></div>
            </div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </blockquote>
      The danger certainly exists that some claims become very famous
      and are repeated and believed even though there is no good
      evidence for them (e.g. that spinach contains a lot of iron).<br>
      <br>
      But I feel that it is clear that every claim in science has the
      status of a hypothesis that is subject to potential
      disconfirmation. The differences reside in the amount of
      supporting evidence. The <a moz-do-not-send="true"
        href="https://typo.uni-konstanz.de/archive/">Konstanz Universals
        Archive</a> is a great resource both for references to claims of
      universals and for the basis of the claims (thus, without reading
      Greenberg (1966), one can see that universal No 1656 is based on
      120 languages).<br>
      <br>
      Martin<br>
      <br>
      On 21.07.17 01:16, bingfu Lu wrote:<br>
      <blockquote
        cite="mid:592673830.1620490.1500592591535@mail.yahoo.com"
        type="cite">
        <div style="font-family:courier new, courier, monaco, monospace,
          sans-serif;font-size:medium;">
          <div>
            <div>
              <p
style="margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-indent:21.25pt;mso-char-indent-count:1.77;line-height:16.0pt;layout-grid-mode:char"><span
                  style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"
                  lang="EN-US">I agree with Martin’s bold claim.  It
                  seems to be very natural in the following senses.</span></p>
              <p
style="margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-indent:21.25pt;mso-char-indent-count:1.77;line-height:16.0pt;layout-grid-mode:char"><span
                  style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"
                  lang="EN-US">First, from the formal perspective,
                  babies are very likely to be neutralized in sex.  If
                  there is a continuum of sex neutralization from the
                  point of being very young (babies) to the point of
                  very old, then, the younger section, which includes
                  the babies, should be more likely to be neutralized.</span></p>
              <p
style="margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-indent:21.25pt;mso-char-indent-count:1.77;line-height:16.0pt;layout-grid-mode:char"><span
                  style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"
                  lang="EN-US">Second,  from the perspective of
                  linguistic iconicity, babies tend to be
                  sex-neutralized because their sex features are least
                  developing. And it is natural, the less
                  sex-developing, the easier to be sex-neutralized.  </span></p>
              <p
style="margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-indent:21.25pt;mso-char-indent-count:1.77;line-height:16.0pt;layout-grid-mode:char"><span
                  style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"
                  lang="EN-US">According to the degrees of development
                  in sex features, it might to be predicted that there
                  may be some languages where the very old elders are
                  neutralized in linguistic form, since very old elders
                  are sex-retrodegraded. </span></p>
              <p
style="margin:0cm;margin-bottom:.0001pt;text-indent:21.25pt;mso-char-indent-count:1.77;line-height:16.0pt;layout-grid-mode:char"><span
                  style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"
                  lang="EN-US">In short, the sex neutralization is more
                  likely when the sex features are less strong and less
                  important in age. </span></p>
              <!--EndFragment--></div>
          </div>
          <div><br>
          </div>
          <div><br>
          </div>
          <hr>
          <div id="ydp2f44aed4yahoo_quoted_0908802504"
            class="ydp2f44aed4yahoo_quoted">
            <div style="font-family:'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial,
              sans-serif;font-size:13px;color:#26282a;">
              <div>On Wednesday, July 19, 2017, 5:10:32 PM GMT+8, Martin
                Haspelmath <a moz-do-not-send="true"
                  class="moz-txt-link-rfc2396E"
                  href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de"><haspelmath@shh.mpg.de></a>
                wrote:</div>
              <div><br>
              </div>
              <div><br>
              </div>
              <div>
                <div id="ydp2f44aed4yiv4734335248">
                  <div> On the basis of Turkish (<i>kardeş</i>) and
                    Minangkabau (<i>adiak</i>), which neutralize the sex
                    distinction in the younger sibling term, one could
                    propose the following universal:<br clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                    "If a language makes a distinction between elder and
                    younger siblings and neutralizes sex only in one
                    type, then it neutralizes in younger siblings."<br
                      clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                    This may seem bold, but I think that such bold
                    formulations are productive in that they are likely
                    to elicit responses from language specialists whose
                    language goes against the generalization. (And if
                    the bold generalization makes it into print
                    somewhere, then one can even write an abstract on
                    the basis of one's data and argue against a previous
                    claim.)<br clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                    Now it so happens that a claim very similar to the
                    one above has already been made, on p. 76-77 in
                    Greenberg's chapter "Universals of kinship
                    terminology", which is Chapter five of his most
                    important work:<br clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                  </div>
                  <div>
                    <div class="ydp2f44aed4yiv4734335248csl-bib-body"
                      style="line-height:1.35;padding-left:2em;">
                      <div class="ydp2f44aed4yiv4734335248csl-entry">Greenberg,

                        Joseph H. 1966. <i>Language universals, with
                          special reference to feature hierarchies</i>.
                        The Hague: Mouton.<br clear="none">
                      </div>
                      <span class="ydp2f44aed4yiv4734335248Z3988"
title="url_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fzotero.org%3A2&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=Language%20universals%2C%20with%20special%20reference%20to%20feature%20hierarchies&rft.place=The%20Hague&rft.publisher=Mouton&rft.aufirst=Joseph%20H.&rft.aulast=Greenberg&rft.au=Joseph%20H.%20Greenberg&rft.date=1966"></span></div>
                    <br clear="none">
                    Greenberg formulates the generalization in terms of
                    one kind of kinship being "marked", the other
                    "unmarked". "Marked" features tend to be
                    neutralized, so saying that younger siblings are
                    "marked" amounts to the same as the above claim. (In
                    my view of things, this would mean that some kinds
                    of kinship features are more frequently used than
                    others.)<br clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                    (Greenberg also says somewhere that masculine/male
                    is unmarked, so he probably predicts that female
                    terms ternd to be neuralized for age, thus answering
                    Siva Kalyan's question.)<br clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                    So there are a lot of interesting predictions that
                    could be tested if someone finally made a
                    comprehensive world-wide database on kinship terms
                    (I think some people near Hedvig are working on
                    this).<br clear="none">
                    <br clear="none">
                    Martin<br>
                  </div>
                </div>
              </div>
            </div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </blockquote>
      <br>
      <pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">-- 
Martin Haspelmath (<a moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10   
D-07745 Jena  
&
Leipzig University 
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig    





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      <pre wrap="">_______________________________________________
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    </blockquote>
    <br>
    <pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">-- 
David Gil

Department of Linguistic and Cultural Evolution
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10, 07745 Jena, Germany

Email: <a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:gil@shh.mpg.de">gil@shh.mpg.de</a>
Office Phone (Germany): +49-3641686834
Mobile Phone (Indonesia): +62-81281162816

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