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Matthew Dryer thinks that wordhood is generally understood
by grammar authors in terms of <b
style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">bondedness</b>
(= phonological weakness, as shown by nonsyllabicity and
phono-conditioned
allomorphy), not in terms of <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">boundness</b>
(= inability to occur in isolation). <o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
I don’t know if this is true, but Matthew actually
recognizes that grammars often describe grammatical markers as
“affixes” even
when they do not show the two “phonological weakness” (or
bondedness) features.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
For example, Tauya (a language of New Guinea) is said to
have (syllabic) case suffixes, but these never show any allomorphy,
e.g.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
fena’a-ni [woman-ERG]<o:p></o:p><br>
na-pe [you-BEN]<o:p></o:p><br>
wate-’usa [house-INESS]<o:p></o:p><br>
Aresa-nani [Aresa-ALL]<o:p></o:p><br>
Tauya-sami [Tauya-ABL] (MacDonald 1990: 119-126)<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
It is my impression that such ortho-affixes (= forms written
as affixes) are perhaps even more common than “phonologically weak”
ortho-affixes, but this is an empirical question (in his 2015 ALT
abstract,
Matthew mentions 248 languages with weak affixes, but 308 languages
with only
affixes of the Tauya type, apparently confirming my impression).<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
For this reason, I have suggested that the stereotypical
“affix” notion should perhaps be captured in terms of boundness
together with single-root-class adjacency. Since the Tauya
case-markers attach only to nouns, they count
as affixes; by contrast, if a bound role marker attaches to both
nouns (English
“for children”) and adjectives (“for older children”) as well as to
other
elements (“for many children”), we do not regard it as an affix (but
as a preposition), even if it is
bound (= does not occur in isolation; English "for" does not).<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
Matthew quite rightly points out that this notion of
boundness (which goes back at least to Bloomfield 1933: §10.1)
implies that
most function words in English are bound, and in fact most function
words in
most languages are bound – but this is exactly what we want, I feel,
because
the best way to define a “function word” is as a bound element that
is not an
affix. Linguists often think of function words (or “functional
categories”)
as defined semantically, but it is actually very hard to say what is
the
semantic(-pragmatic) difference between a plural marker and a word
like
“several”, between a dual marker and the word “two”, between a
past-tense
marker and the expression “in the past”, or between a comitative
marker and the
word “accompany”. It seems to me that these distinctions are best
characterized
in terms of boundness, i.e. inability to occur in isolation.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
It may be true that occurrence in isolation is a feature of
an element that is not easy to elicit from speakers, but in actual
language use, there are a
very large number of very short utterances, so at least positive
evidence for
free status (=non-bound status) is not difficult to obtain.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
In any event, it seems clear to me that some key concepts of
grammatical typology such as “flag” (= bound role marker on a
nominal) and
“person index” (= bound person marker, generally on a verb) require
the
Bloomfieldian boundness notion, and that these concepts are much
easier to work with in
typology than the traditional stereotypical notions of “case”,
“adposition”, “agreement
marker”, and “pronominal clitic”. (For bound person forms, this was
a major
lesson of Anna Siewierska’s 2004 book “Person”.)<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
Best,<o:p></o:p><br>
Martin<br>
<br>
<o:p></o:p>
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<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 14.11.17 07:02, Dryer, Matthew
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote cite="mid:D630A744.58256%25dryer@buffalo.edu"
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;">I have a number of
problems with Martin’s proposal:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-size: 14pt;">"<b>Here’s a proposal for defining
a notion of “affix”, in such a way that the results do not
go too much against our intuitions or stereotypes:</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-size: 14pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><b><span
style="font-size: 14pt;">An affix is a bound form that
always occurs together with a root of the same root-class
and is never separated from the root by a free form or a
non-affixal bound form."</span></b><span style="font-size:
14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;">If one examines
the notion of “bound” from his 2013 paper, I believe it
implies a comparative concept of affix that differs greatly
from what most linguists (at last most non-generative
linguists) understand by the term. That’s not a problem for it
as a comparative concept, but it is a comparative concept that
differs considerably from the stereotype.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;">Martin’s
definition of “free and “bound” from his 2013 paper is as
follows:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: Times;
font-size: 18px;">"But distinguishing in a general way
between bound elements and free elements is quite
straightforward, because there is a single criterion: Free
forms are forms that can occur on their own, i.e. in a
complete (possibly elliptical) utterance (Bloomfield 1933:
160). This criterion correlates very highly with the
criterion of contrastive use: Only free forms can be used
contrastively."<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-size:13.0pt;font-family:Times;
mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">First,
I find the notion of complete utterance ambiguous. Does it
mean utterances in normal speech or does it include
metalinguistic uses (like “What is the last word in the
sentence “Who are you going with”? Answer “with”). I would
assume that it does not include such metalinguistic uses.
But then many if not most so-called function words in
English would count as bound since they cannot be used as
complete utterances. Perhaps other speakers of English would
have different intuitions, but if so that only indicates the
lack of clarity in the notion. Furthermore, for many
function words in English, I am not sure how to judge
whether they can occur alone as utterances. Many such
so-called function words would appear to count as bound by
Martin’s definition, though they would not count as affixes
since they lack other properties in his definition of
“affix”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Second,
many languages have grammatical morphemes that must occur
adjacent to an open class word but which behave as separate
words phonologically. These would all apparently count as
affixes by Martin’s definition. Again, I have no problem
with this as a comparative concept, only that it means his
notion of affix deviates considerably from the stereotype.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Third,
Martin says that his criterion “</span><span
style="mso-bidi-font-size:13.0pt;
font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">correlates
very highly with the criterion of contrastive use</span><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:
Times">”. But by my intuitions, the ability to occur as
complete utterances does not correlate closely with the
criterion of contrastive use, since most so-called function
words CAN occur with contrastive use (such as can in this
sentence!), as can some morphemes that are conventionally
treated as affixes, like
<i>un-</i> in “I’m not happy, I’m UNhappy”. Of course,
Martin might argue that <i>
un-</i> is more like so-called function words and less
like morphemes conventionally treated as affixes. But the
fact remains that
<i>un-</i> is easily the locus of contrast but cannot be
used as a complete utterance. I thus see no evidence of a
close correlation between the ability to occur as a complete
utterance and the ability to be the locus of contrast.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Finally,
it is my experience that languages differ in their
conventions regarding what can be a complete utterance.
Imagine two closely related languages that differ in their
grammatical rules governing what is a complete utterance. By
Martin’s definition, there might be a large number of
morphemes that count as separate words in one language but
as affixes in the other language. This strikes me as odd. It
seems odd to have a criterion for what is a word and what is
an affix so dependent on the grammatical rules in the
language for what constitutes a complete utterance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Matthew<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<!--EndFragment--></div>
<div style="font-size: 14px;"><br>
</div>
<span id="OLK_SRC_BODY_SECTION" style="font-size: 14px;">
<div style="font-family:Calibri; font-size:11pt;
text-align:left; color:black; BORDER-BOTTOM: medium none;
BORDER-LEFT: medium none; PADDING-BOTTOM: 0in; PADDING-LEFT:
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BORDER-RIGHT: medium none; PADDING-TOP: 3pt">
<span style="font-weight:bold">From: </span>Lingtyp <<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>>
on behalf of Martin Haspelmath <<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>><br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">Date: </span>Sunday, November
12, 2017 at 10:47 PM<br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">To: </span>"<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>"
<<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>><br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">Subject: </span>Re: [Lingtyp]
wordhood<br>
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<p class="MsoNormal">Mattis List and Balthasar Bickel
rightly emphasize that “word” is not a Platonic entity (a
natural kind) that exists in advance of language learning
or linguistic analysis – few linguists would disagree
here, not even generativists (who otherwise liberally
assume natural-kind catgeories).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But I think many linguists still ACT AS
IF there were such a natural kind, because the “word”
notion is a crucial ingredient to a number of other
notions that linguists use routinely – e.g. “gender”,
which is typically defined in terms of “agreement” (which
is defined in terms of inflectional marking on targets;
and inflection is defined in terms of “word”).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">So is it possible to define a
comparative concept ‘word’ that applies to all languages
equally, and that accords reasonably with our stereotypes?
Note that I didn’t deny this in my 2011 paper, I just said
that nobody had come up with a satisfactory definition
(that could be used, for instance, in defining “gender” or
“polysynthesis”). So I’ll be happy to contribute to a
discussion on how to make progress on defining “word”.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Larry Hyman notes that other notions
like “syllable” and “sentence” are also problematic in
that they also “leak”. However, I think it is important to
distinguish two situations of “slipperiness”:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(1) “Leakage” of definitions due to
vague defining notions<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(2) Incoherence of definitions due to
the use of different criteria in different languages<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The first can be addressed by
tightening the defining notions, but the second is fatal.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">To take up Östen Dahl’s example of the
“family” notion: In one culture, a family might be said to
be a set of minimally three living people consisting of
two adults (regardless of gender) living in a romantic
relationship plus all their descendants. In another
culture, a family might be defined as a married couple
consisting of a man and a woman plus all their living
direct ancestors, all their (great) uncles and (great)
aunts, and all the descendants of all of these.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">With two family concepts as different
as these, it is obviously not very interesting to ask
general cross-cultural questions about “families” (e.g.
“How often do all family members have meals together?”).
So the use of different criteria for different cultures is
fatal here.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">What I find worrying is that linguists
often seem to accept incoherent definitions of comparative
concepts (this was emphasized especially in my 2015 paper
on defining vs. diagnosing categories). Different
diagnostics in different languages would not be fatal if
“word” were a Platonic (natural-kind) concept, but if we
are not born with a “word” category, typologists need to
use the SAME criteria for all languages.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">So here’s a proposal for defining a
notion of “simple morphosyntactic word”:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">A
simple morphosyntactic word is a form that consists of
(minimally) a root, plus any affixes.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Here’s a proposal for defining a notion
of “affix”, in such a way that the results do not go too
much against our intuitions or stereotypes:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">An
affix is a bound form that always occurs together with a
root of the same root-class and is never separated from
the root by a free form or a non-affixal bound form.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">These definitions make use of the
notions of “root” and “root-class” (defined in Haspelmath
2012) and<span style="mso-spacerun:yes">
</span>“bound (form)” vs. “free (form)” (defined in
Haspelmath 2013). All these show leakage as in (1) above,
but they are equally applicable to all languages, so they
are not incoherent. (I thank Harald Hammarström for a
helpful discussion that helped me to come up with the
above definitions, which I had not envisaged in 2011.)<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(What I don’t know at the moment is how
to relate “simple morphosyntactic word” to
“morphosyntactic word” in general, because I cannot
distinguish compounds from phrases comparatively; and I
don’t know what to do with “phonological word”.)<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Crucially, the definitions above make
use of a number of basic concepts that apply to ALL
languages in the SAME way. David Gil’s proposal, to
measure “bond strength” by means of a range of
language-particular phenomena, falls short of this
requirement (as already hinted by Eitan Grossman). Note
that the problem I have with David’s proposal is not that
it provides no categorical contrasts (recall my acceptance
of vagueness in (1) above), but that there is no way of
telling which phenomena should count as measuring bond
strength.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">David’s approach resembles Keenan’s
(1976) attempt at defining “subject” (perhaps not by
accident, because Ed Keenan was David’s PhD supervisor),
but I have a similar objection to Keenan: If different
criteria are used for different languages, how do we know
that we are measuring the same phenomenon across
languages? Measuring X by means of Y makes sense only if
we know independently that X and Y are very highly
correlated. But do we know this, for subjects, or for bond
strength?<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Best,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Martin<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
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<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig
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<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig
</pre>
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