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Sorry, I meant "some key terms".<br>
<br>
Linguists are also free to use terms in whatever way they want, but
if we want to talk TO each other (not only PAST each other), we need
to agree what key terms mean – and for me, this includes
"retrodefining" terms. So when evaluating a claim of the past (e.g.
Blake's (1994: 157) claim that there is an "inflectional case
hierarchy" <span style="font-variant-caps: small-caps;" class="">as
follows: nominative > accusative/ergative > genitive >
dative > locative > instrumental</span>), I try to find
definitions that are as close as possible to what the earlier author
might have meant.<br>
<br>
Matthew's new notion of "phonologically weak" form is perfectly fine
as a comparative concept, but it's better to use a new term for it,
such as "phonofix" (because a large proportion of the forms that are
written as ortho-affixes/orthofixes are not phonologically weak). <br>
<br>
My new definition of "affix" is a retrodefinition – but I haven't
been able to find a retrodefinition of "word" yet, unfortunately.<br>
<br>
Martin<br>
<br>
<br>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 18.11.17 01:58, Dryer, Matthew
wrote:<br>
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<p class="MsoNormal">Martin says<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span
style="font-size:14.0pt;font-family:Calibri;
mso-bidi-font-family:Calibri">“it seems clear to me that
some key concepts of grammatical typology such as “flag” (=
bound role marker on a nominal) and “person index” (= bound
person marker, generally on a verb) require the
Bloomfieldian boundness notion”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I don’t know what this could mean unless
one believes in crosslinguistic categories. Comparative
concepts are whatever one defines them to be so that they
never
<i>require</i> some notion. One could define comparative
concepts in terms of any notion of boundness.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Matthew<o:p></o:p></p>
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<span style="font-weight:bold">From: </span>Lingtyp <<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>>
on behalf of Martin Haspelmath <<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>><br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">Date: </span>Thursday,
November 16, 2017 at 7:14 PM<br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">To: </span>"<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>"
<<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>><br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">Subject: </span>Re: [Lingtyp]
wordhood: bonded vs. bound<br>
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Matthew Dryer thinks that wordhood is generally understood
by grammar authors in terms of
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">bondedness</b> (=
phonological weakness, as shown by nonsyllabicity and
phono-conditioned allomorphy), not in terms of
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">boundness</b> (=
inability to occur in isolation).
<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
I don’t know if this is true, but Matthew actually
recognizes that grammars often describe grammatical markers
as “affixes” even when they do not show the two
“phonological weakness” (or bondedness) features.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
For example, Tauya (a language of New Guinea) is said to
have (syllabic) case suffixes, but these never show any
allomorphy, e.g.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
fena’a-ni [woman-ERG]<o:p></o:p><br>
na-pe [you-BEN]<o:p></o:p><br>
wate-’usa [house-INESS]<o:p></o:p><br>
Aresa-nani [Aresa-ALL]<o:p></o:p><br>
Tauya-sami [Tauya-ABL] (MacDonald 1990: 119-126)<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
It is my impression that such ortho-affixes (= forms written
as affixes) are perhaps even more common than
“phonologically weak” ortho-affixes, but this is an
empirical question (in his 2015 ALT abstract, Matthew
mentions 248 languages with weak affixes, but 308 languages
with only affixes of the Tauya type, apparently confirming
my impression).<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
For this reason, I have suggested that the stereotypical
“affix” notion should perhaps be captured in terms of
boundness together with single-root-class adjacency. Since
the Tauya case-markers attach only to nouns, they count as
affixes; by contrast, if a bound role marker attaches to
both nouns (English “for children”) and adjectives (“for
older children”) as well as to other elements (“for many
children”), we do not regard it as an affix (but as a
preposition), even if it is bound (= does not occur in
isolation; English "for" does not).<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
Matthew quite rightly points out that this notion of
boundness (which goes back at least to Bloomfield 1933:
§10.1) implies that most function words in English are
bound, and in fact most function words in most languages are
bound – but this is exactly what we want, I feel, because
the best way to define a “function word” is as a bound
element that is not an affix. Linguists often think of
function words (or “functional categories”) as defined
semantically, but it is actually very hard to say what is
the semantic(-pragmatic) difference between a plural marker
and a word like “several”, between a dual marker and the
word “two”, between a past-tense marker and the expression
“in the past”, or between a comitative marker and the word
“accompany”. It seems to me that these distinctions are best
characterized in terms of boundness, i.e. inability to occur
in isolation.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
It may be true that occurrence in isolation is a feature of
an element that is not easy to elicit from speakers, but in
actual language use, there are a very large number of very
short utterances, so at least positive evidence for free
status (=non-bound status) is not difficult to obtain.<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
In any event, it seems clear to me that some key concepts of
grammatical typology such as “flag” (= bound role marker on
a nominal) and “person index” (= bound person marker,
generally on a verb) require the Bloomfieldian boundness
notion, and that these concepts are much easier to work with
in typology than the traditional stereotypical notions of
“case”, “adposition”, “agreement marker”, and “pronominal
clitic”. (For bound person forms, this was a major lesson of
Anna Siewierska’s 2004 book “Person”.)<o:p></o:p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
Best,<o:p></o:p><br>
Martin<br>
<br>
<o:p></o:p>
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<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 14.11.17 07:02, Dryer,
Matthew wrote:<br>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;">I have a
number of problems with Martin’s proposal:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-size: 14pt;">"<b>Here’s a proposal for
defining a notion of “affix”, in such a way that
the results do not go too much against our
intuitions or stereotypes:</b><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-size: 14pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><b><span
style="font-size: 14pt;">An affix is a bound form
that always occurs together with a root of the
same root-class and is never separated from the
root by a free form or a non-affixal bound form."</span></b><span
style="font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;">If one
examines the notion of “bound” from his 2013 paper, I
believe it implies a comparative concept of affix that
differs greatly from what most linguists (at last most
non-generative linguists) understand by the term.
That’s not a problem for it as a comparative concept,
but it is a comparative concept that differs
considerably from the stereotype.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;">Martin’s
definition of “free and “bound” from his 2013 paper is
as follows:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: Times;
font-size: 18px;">"But distinguishing in a general
way between bound elements and free elements is
quite straightforward, because there is a single
criterion: Free forms are forms that can occur on
their own, i.e. in a complete (possibly
elliptical) utterance (Bloomfield 1933: 160). This
criterion correlates very highly with the
criterion of contrastive use: Only free forms can
be used contrastively."<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-size:13.0pt;font-family:Times;
mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">First,
I find the notion of complete utterance ambiguous.
Does it mean utterances in normal speech or does it
include metalinguistic uses (like “What is the last
word in the sentence “Who are you going with”?
Answer “with”). I would assume that it does not
include such metalinguistic uses. But then many if
not most so-called function words in English would
count as bound since they cannot be used as complete
utterances. Perhaps other speakers of English would
have different intuitions, but if so that only
indicates the lack of clarity in the notion.
Furthermore, for many function words in English, I
am not sure how to judge whether they can occur
alone as utterances. Many such so-called function
words would appear to count as bound by Martin’s
definition, though they would not count as affixes
since they lack other properties in his definition
of “affix”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Second,
many languages have grammatical morphemes that must
occur adjacent to an open class word but which
behave as separate words phonologically. These would
all apparently count as affixes by Martin’s
definition. Again, I have no problem with this as a
comparative concept, only that it means his notion
of affix deviates considerably from the stereotype.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Third,
Martin says that his criterion “</span><span
style="mso-bidi-font-size:13.0pt;
font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">correlates
very highly with the criterion of contrastive use</span><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:
Times">”. But by my intuitions, the ability to occur
as complete utterances does not correlate closely
with the criterion of contrastive use, since most
so-called function words CAN occur with contrastive
use (such as can in this sentence!), as can some
morphemes that are conventionally treated as
affixes, like
<i>un-</i> in “I’m not happy, I’m UNhappy”. Of
course, Martin might argue that <i>
un-</i> is more like so-called function words and
less like morphemes conventionally treated as
affixes. But the fact remains that
<i>un-</i> is easily the locus of contrast but
cannot be used as a complete utterance. I thus see
no evidence of a close correlation between the
ability to occur as a complete utterance and the
ability to be the locus of contrast.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Finally,
it is my experience that languages differ in their
conventions regarding what can be a complete
utterance. Imagine two closely related languages
that differ in their grammatical rules governing
what is a complete utterance. By Martin’s
definition, there might be a large number of
morphemes that count as separate words in one
language but as affixes in the other language. This
strikes me as odd. It seems odd to have a criterion
for what is a word and what is an affix so dependent
on the grammatical rules in the language for what
constitutes a complete utterance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: 14px;"><span
style="font-family:Times;mso-bidi-font-family:Times">Matthew<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<!--EndFragment--></div>
<div style="font-size: 14px;"><br>
</div>
<span id="OLK_SRC_BODY_SECTION" style="font-size: 14px;">
<div style="font-family:Calibri; font-size:11pt;
text-align:left; color:black; BORDER-BOTTOM: medium
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PADDING-TOP: 3pt">
<span style="font-weight:bold">From: </span>Lingtyp
<<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>>
on behalf of Martin Haspelmath <<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>><br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">Date: </span>Sunday,
November 12, 2017 at 10:47 PM<br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">To: </span>"<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>"
<<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>><br>
<span style="font-weight:bold">Subject: </span>Re:
[Lingtyp] wordhood<br>
</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF" text="#000000">
<meta name="Title" content="">
<p class="MsoNormal">Mattis List and Balthasar
Bickel rightly emphasize that “word” is not a
Platonic entity (a natural kind) that exists in
advance of language learning or linguistic
analysis – few linguists would disagree here, not
even generativists (who otherwise liberally assume
natural-kind catgeories).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But I think many linguists
still ACT AS IF there were such a natural kind,
because the “word” notion is a crucial ingredient
to a number of other notions that linguists use
routinely – e.g. “gender”, which is typically
defined in terms of “agreement” (which is defined
in terms of inflectional marking on targets; and
inflection is defined in terms of “word”).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">So is it possible to define a
comparative concept ‘word’ that applies to all
languages equally, and that accords reasonably
with our stereotypes? Note that I didn’t deny this
in my 2011 paper, I just said that nobody had come
up with a satisfactory definition (that could be
used, for instance, in defining “gender” or
“polysynthesis”). So I’ll be happy to contribute
to a discussion on how to make progress on
defining “word”.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Larry Hyman notes that other
notions like “syllable” and “sentence” are also
problematic in that they also “leak”. However, I
think it is important to distinguish two
situations of “slipperiness”:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(1) “Leakage” of definitions
due to vague defining notions<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(2) Incoherence of definitions
due to the use of different criteria in different
languages<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The first can be addressed by
tightening the defining notions, but the second is
fatal.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">To take up Östen Dahl’s example
of the “family” notion: In one culture, a family
might be said to be a set of minimally three
living people consisting of two adults (regardless
of gender) living in a romantic relationship plus
all their descendants. In another culture, a
family might be defined as a married couple
consisting of a man and a woman plus all their
living direct ancestors, all their (great) uncles
and (great) aunts, and all the descendants of all
of these.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">With two family concepts as
different as these, it is obviously not very
interesting to ask general cross-cultural
questions about “families” (e.g. “How often do all
family members have meals together?”). So the use
of different criteria for different cultures is
fatal here.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">What I find worrying is that
linguists often seem to accept incoherent
definitions of comparative concepts (this was
emphasized especially in my 2015 paper on defining
vs. diagnosing categories). Different diagnostics
in different languages would not be fatal if
“word” were a Platonic (natural-kind) concept, but
if we are not born with a “word” category,
typologists need to use the SAME criteria for all
languages.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">So here’s a proposal for
defining a notion of “simple morphosyntactic
word”:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b
style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">A simple
morphosyntactic word is a form that consists of
(minimally) a root, plus any affixes.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Here’s a proposal for defining
a notion of “affix”, in such a way that the
results do not go too much against our intuitions
or stereotypes:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b
style="mso-bidi-font-weight:normal">An affix is
a bound form that always occurs together with a
root of the same root-class and is never
separated from the root by a free form or a
non-affixal bound form.<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">These definitions make use of
the notions of “root” and “root-class” (defined in
Haspelmath 2012) and<span style="mso-spacerun:yes">
</span>“bound (form)” vs. “free (form)” (defined
in Haspelmath 2013). All these show leakage as in
(1) above, but they are equally applicable to all
languages, so they are not incoherent. (I thank
Harald Hammarström for a helpful discussion that
helped me to come up with the above definitions,
which I had not envisaged in 2011.)<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(What I don’t know at the
moment is how to relate “simple morphosyntactic
word” to “morphosyntactic word” in general,
because I cannot distinguish compounds from
phrases comparatively; and I don’t know what to do
with “phonological word”.)<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Crucially, the definitions
above make use of a number of basic concepts that
apply to ALL languages in the SAME way. David
Gil’s proposal, to measure “bond strength” by
means of a range of language-particular phenomena,
falls short of this requirement (as already hinted
by Eitan Grossman). Note that the problem I have
with David’s proposal is not that it provides no
categorical contrasts (recall my acceptance of
vagueness in (1) above), but that there is no way
of telling which phenomena should count as
measuring bond strength.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">David’s approach resembles
Keenan’s (1976) attempt at defining “subject”
(perhaps not by accident, because Ed Keenan was
David’s PhD supervisor), but I have a similar
objection to Keenan: If different criteria are
used for different languages, how do we know that
we are measuring the same phenomenon across
languages? Measuring X by means of Y makes sense
only if we know independently that X and Y are
very highly correlated. But do we know this, for
subjects, or for bond strength?<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Best,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Martin<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
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<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig
</pre>
</div>
</div>
</span></blockquote>
<br>
<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig
</pre>
</div>
</div>
</span>
</blockquote>
<br>
<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig
</pre>
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