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<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">“Possessor raising” is a
term that was used
widely in the 1970s and 1980s for construction pairs like the
following:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">[My head] aches. <–> I
ache @head. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">You washed [my feet].
<–> You washed
me @feet.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">In Relational Grammar (RG),
this came to be
called “possessor ascension” in more technical parlance (Blake
1990: 79-83),
and the idea was that in the construction with a raised
possessor, the
possessor occupies the syntactic role that the possessed noun
has in the construction
with adnominal possessor. So this is different from the French
construction “Tu
m’as lavé les pieds”, where the external possessor is a kind of
“dative
argument”. Since 1999 (Payne & Barshi (eds.)), all these
constructions have
sometimes come to be subsumed under the heading “external
possessor constructions”.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">I’m not aware of any
large-scale
cross-linguistic studies of such constructions – most of the
works dealing with
them seem to be about particular languages (König &
Haspelmath (1998) deal
with a lot of languages, but primarily European languages of the
French type).
So this is still a desideratum in typology.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Now what is the role of the
possessed noun
(@head, @feet) in the raised construction? It seems that it can
have all kinds of different properties. In RG, it was called
“demoted” (or
“chômeur”), and in some languages, it is strictly adjacent to
the verb stem and
called “incorporated”. Then it looks like this, schematically:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">I head-ache.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">You feet-washed me.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Father knife-sharpened the
neighbor.
(Alexey (“Lesha”) Vinyar’s Chukchi example)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Now Alexey Vinyar’s question
is whether one gets
this sort of pattern also with pseudo-incorporation (PNI), where
the possessed
noun is still strictly adjacent, but a complete noun phrase can
occur in this
position (not just a noun stem). So this would be something like
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">You [@dirty feet]-washed me.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Father sharpened-[@dull
knife] the
neighbor.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">I don’t know of any cases,
but I’m not sure
whether PNI is a particularly useful notion to begin with. As
seen nicely in Borik
& Gehrke’s (2015) book, there are a wide range of related
constructions with some
family resemblances but apparently little overall coherence.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">One interesting observation
that was made
in the 1980s is that even the possessed nouns in French-type
“raising-to-dative” constructions show some restrictions, e.g.
in that they
cannot take nonrestrictive modifiers:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Tu m’as lavé les pieds.
(“You washed-me the
feet”)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">*Tu m’as lavé les pieds
sales. (“You
washed-me the dirty feet”)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><br>
<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">(See König & Haspelmath
1998: §2.4.) They may also be restricted in that they
must be definite (He hit me on the arm/?He hit me on an arm),
and in that they
must be verb-adjacent:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">German<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Du hast deinem Kind oft die
Füße gewaschen.
(“You often washed your child the feet”)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">?Du hast deinem Kind die
Füße oft
gewaschen. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Best,<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Martin<br>
</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><br>
*******<br>
<br>
</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">References<br>
</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><br>
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</p>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="d4epi-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="d4epi-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="d4epi-0-0"><span data-text="true">Blake,
Barry J. 1990. <i>Relational grammar</i>. London:
Routledge.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="4c5up-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="4c5up-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="4c5up-0-0"><br data-text="true">
</span></div>
</div>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="f7ldv-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="f7ldv-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="f7ldv-0-0"><span data-text="true">Borik, Olga
& Berit Gehrke. 2015. <i>The syntax and semantics of
pseudo-incorporation</i>. Leiden: Brill.</span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="e0c89-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="e0c89-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="e0c89-0-0"><br data-text="true">
</span></div>
</div>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="6j1lt-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="6j1lt-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="6j1lt-0-0"><span data-text="true">König,
Ekkehard & Martin Haspelmath. 1998. Les constructions à
possesseur externe dans les langues d’Europe. In Jack
Feuillet (ed.), <i>Actance et valence dans les langues de
l’Europe</i>, 525–606. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter
(<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://zenodo.org/record/1165254">https://zenodo.org/record/1165254</a>)</span></span></div>
</div>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="2j12g-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="2j12g-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="2j12g-0-0"><br data-text="true">
</span></div>
</div>
<div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="fol57"
data-offset-key="fs63o-0-0">
<div data-offset-key="fs63o-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj"><span
data-offset-key="fs63o-0-0"><span data-text="true">Payne,
Doris L. & Immanuel Barshi (eds.). 1999. <i>External
possession</i>. Amsterdam: Benjamins.</span></span></div>
</div>
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<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 02.02.18 19:54, Алексей Виняр wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote cite="mid:1934391517597691@web43j.yandex.ru" type="cite">
<pre wrap="">Dear colleagues!
I would like to ask you a question about pseudo noun incorporation ((), like described in [Massam 2001, 2009]) and 'raising' ((), see [Mithun 1984: 856-859]). Unfortunately, before asking the question I need a long introduction to define how I understand these notions (sorry about that).
(1) P(seudo) N(oun) I(ncorporation)
ne [kai sipi mo e ika mitaka] a Sione
PST [eat chip COMTV ABS fish good] ABS SIone
'Sione ate good fish and chips'. (Niuean, [Massam 2001: 160])
(2) NI with 'raising'
a. ətɬəɣ-e waɬə-∅ pəne-nin enaraɬʔ-etə
father-ERG knife-ABS.SG sharpen-3sgA/3sgO neighbour-DAT
b. ətɬəɣ-e waɬa-mna-ne-n enaraɬʔə-n
father-ERG knife-sharpen-3sgA/3sgO neighbour-ABS.SG
'Father sharpened a/the knife for the neighbour'. (Chukchi, personal fieldnotes)
As I know, there are many definitions of both NI and PNI (see, for example [Massam 2009], [Borik & Gehrke 2015] and [Johns 2017]), but let's say that PNI is a construction where the object phrase is inseparable from the verb and the head of this object phrase takes no inflection, but doesn't exhibit any phonological cohesion with the verb. As was noted by Diane Massam, pseudo-incorporated objects can be phrasal (see (1), for example).
There are also various approaches to 'raising', but let's stick with the definition given by [Mithun 1984: 856-859]: a construction, in which another participant can take the object position vacated by an incorporated nominal.
I am not an expert in PNI, but, according to my knowledge, there is no language where PNI can trigger 'raising'. So, MY QUESTION IS: do you know any languages where PNI can trigger any kind of 'raising'?
Note: I know that the notions like 'phonological cohesion', 'word' are problematic ([Haspelmath 2011]), and so NI is problematic, too ([Haspelmath 2012]). So, for current purposes let's say that the only difference between NI and PNI is that in PNI construction the whole noun phrase (where the modifiers of the uninflected head noun can bear their own inflection) can enter in the verbal complex.
Looking forward to hear your comments and insights (and thank you for your attention)!
Best wishes,
Lesha Vinyar, NRU HSE, Moscow
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</pre>
</blockquote>
<br>
<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
IPF 141199
Nikolaistrasse 6-10
D-04109 Leipzig
</pre>
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