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To my mind, the most insightful work on constituent questions is
John Hawkins's paper from 1999 and Chapter 7 of his 2004 book:<br>
<br>
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<div class="csl-entry">Hawkins, John A. 1999. Processing
complexity and filler-gap dependencies across grammars. <i>Language</i>
75. 244-285.</div>
<span class="Z3988"
title="url_ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fzotero.org%3A2&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&rft.genre=article&rft.atitle=Processing%20complexity%20and%20filler-gap%20dependencies%20across%20grammars&rft.jtitle=Language&rft.volume=75&rft.aufirst=John%20A.&rft.aulast=Hawkins&rft.au=John%20A.%20Hawkins&rft.date=1999&rft.pages=244%C3%83%C2%A2%C3%A2%E2%80%9A%C2%AC%C3%A2%E2%82%AC%C5%93285&rft.spage=244%C3%83%C2%A2&rft.epage=%E2%80%9A%C2%AC"></span>
<div class="csl-entry">Hawkins, John A. 2004. <i>Efficiency and
complexity in grammars</i>. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</div>
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<br>
The generative literature has been mostly assuming that there is no
substantial variation in how island constraints on question-word
fronting operate, or at least there does not seem to be any
influential proposal for how to account for whatever
cross-linguistic variation or uniformity we find. Hawkins has made
such proposals, but his work tends to be ignored by the
generativists, maybe because it does not fit into their worldview.
(Of course, in the 1980s the idea of different kinds of "bounding
nodes" was popular, but that seems to have evaporated.)<br>
<br>
There has been quite a bit of psycholinguistically oriented work on
question-word fronting in the last two decades, some of which is
reviewed in this interesting overview paper:<br>
<br>
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<div class="csl-entry">Newmeyer, Frederick J. 2016. Nonsyntactic
explanations of island constraints. <i>Annual Review of
Linguistics</i> 2(1). 187¨C210. doi:<a
href="https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011415-040707">10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011415-040707</a>.</div>
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<br>
But none of this more recent work is cross-linguistically oriented.<br>
<br>
I'm not sure one would want to take fronting behaviour as criterial
for the biclausal-monoclausal distinction. In some European
languages (e.g. Russian), there is a contrast between Finite and
Infinitival complements, with only the former disallowing fronting
of question-words. But people normally take the "clause union" to be
something different, I think.<br>
<br>
Best wishes,<br>
Martin<br>
<br>
P.S. A very nice introduction to some key generative ideas about
question-word fronting is given in ¡ì1.5 of Roberts (2007).
(Incidentally, both Hawkins and Roberts are available from
b-ok.org.)<br>
<br>
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<div class="csl-entry">Roberts, Ian. 2007. <i>Diachronic syntax</i>.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.</div>
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<br>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 23.10.18 09:20, Nigel Vincent wrote:<br>
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cite="mid:1932B7F071337A4088C8050DE465747D019A13E645@MBXP11.ds.man.ac.uk"
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<div>Adam,</div>
<div>You can find quite a bit about different interrogative
patterns in the work of Louise Mycock - see this link for her
publications including a book in preparation:
<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://users.ox.ac.uk/%7Ecpgl0023/Publications.html"
target="_blank">http://users.ox.ac.uk/~cpgl0023/Publications.html</a></div>
<div>If we must use such oppositions - and I'd much rather we
didn't - her approach is as much formal as functional, but
since it is couched within the framework of LFG, I guess in
your terms it can be said to 'stick closer to the surface'.</div>
<div>Best</div>
<div>Nigel</div>
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<div style="font-family:Tahoma;
font-size:13px">Professor Nigel Vincent,
FBA MAE<br>
Professor Emeritus of General &
Romance Linguistics<br>
The University of Manchester</div>
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<div>Linguistics & English Language<br>
School of Arts, Languages and Cultures<br>
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<div><span class="Apple-tab-span"
style="white-space:pre"></span>The
University of Manchester</div>
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<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/researchers/nigel-vincent(f973a991-8ece-453e-abc5-3ca198c869dc).html">https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/researchers/nigel-vincent(f973a991-8ece-453e-abc5-3ca198c869dc).html</a></div>
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<div id="divRpF120374" style="direction: ltr;"><font
face="Tahoma" size="2" color="#000000"><b>From:</b>
Lingtyp [<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>] on
behalf of Adam James Ross Tallman [<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:ajrtallman@utexas.edu">ajrtallman@utexas.edu</a>]<br>
<b>Sent:</b> Monday, October 22, 2018 10:48 PM<br>
<b>To:</b> <a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:LINGTYP@listserv.linguistlist.org">LINGTYP@listserv.linguistlist.org</a><br>
<b>Subject:</b> [Lingtyp] literature on
"wh-movement"/constituent interrogatives<br>
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I'm looking at structural differences between
constituent interrogative sentences and minimally
contrastive non-interrogative counterparts. The vast
majority of the literature is in the generative
tradition under the guise of wh-movement. I was
wondering whether anyone point me to functional and/or
typological literature that stick closer to the
surface? </div>
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style="font-family:monospace,monospace; color:#4c1130">
<br>
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<div class="gmail_default"
style="font-family:monospace,monospace; color:#4c1130">
(Recommendations for particularly good literature in the
generative tradition are also welcome) <br>
</div>
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style="font-family:monospace,monospace; color:#4c1130">
<br>
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<div class="gmail_default"
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I'm especially interested in the issue of extracting
constituent interrogatives out of subordinate clauses.
The reason is that I am dealing with constructions that
I think are indeterminate between monoclausal vs.
biclausal analyses. I found out that they had
restrictions on the type of constituent interrogatives
they are compatible with and I am wondering whether this
actually serves as an argument that they are biclausal.</div>
<div class="gmail_default"
style="font-family:monospace,monospace; color:#4c1130">
<br>
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<div class="gmail_default"
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best,</div>
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<br>
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<div class="gmail_default"
style="font-family:monospace,monospace; color:#4c1130">
Adam</div>
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-- <br>
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<div dir="ltr"><font face="monospace,
monospace">Adam J.R. Tallman</font></div>
<div dir="ltr"><font face="monospace,
monospace"><span
class="gmail_default"
style="font-family:monospace,monospace;
color:rgb(76,17,48)">Post-doc,
University of Ottawa</span><br>
</font>
<div><font face="monospace, monospace">Investigador
del Museo de Etnograf¨ªa y
Folklore, la Paz<br>
</font>
<div><font face="monospace,
monospace">PhD, UT Austin<span
class="gmail_default"
style="font-family:monospace,monospace;
color:rgb(76,17,48)"></span></font></div>
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<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath (<a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:haspelmath@shh.mpg.de">haspelmath@shh.mpg.de</a>)
Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History
Kahlaische Strasse 10
D-07745 Jena
&
Leipzig University
Institut fuer Anglistik
IPF 141199
D-04081 Leipzig
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