<div dir="ltr"><div>An older but interesting and relevant paper for this discussion, about morphosyntax from a metatheoretical perspective, is:</div><div>Hankamer, Jorge. 1977. Multiple Analyses. In Charles N. Li (ed.), <i>Mechanisms of syntactic change</i>, 583–607. Austin: University of Texas Press.</div><div><br></div><div>Daniel Ross</div><div>Webmaster, ALT<br></div></div><br><div class="gmail_quote"><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Thu, Feb 4, 2021 at 5:57 AM Hiroto Uchihara <<a href="mailto:uchihara@buffalo.edu" target="_blank">uchihara@buffalo.edu</a>> wrote:<br></div><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex"><div dir="ltr">Hi Adam,<div><br></div><div>In my dissertation I discussed this issue in Oklahoma Cherokee (Uchihara 2016). The word-prosody of Oklahoma Cherokee had been described either as tonal, accentual or both (see for instance Lindsey 1985; ms; Wright 1996), and I argued that some classes of high tone are indeed tones, while others (such as what had been analyzed to be a floating tone associated with certain prefixes) are more accentual. In the last chapter I tried to characterize Cherokee word-prosody applying Larry Hyman's word-prosody (canonical) typology, and the system does indeed appear to be a mixture of tone and accent.</div><div><br></div><div>Lindsey, Geoffrey. 1985. Intonation and interrogation: tonal structure and the expression of a pragmatic function in English and other languages. Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles.<br>Lindsey, Geoffrey. ms. Cherokee Pitch Phonology. Ms., University College, London.<br></div><div>Uchihara, Hiroto. 2016. Tone & Accent in Oklahoma Cherokee. Oxford Studies of Endangered Languages. Oxford University Press.<br></div><div>Wright, Richard. 1996. Tone and Accent in Oklahoma Cherokee. In: Munro (ed.), 11-22 <br></div><div><br></div><div>Best,</div><div>Hiroto </div></div><br><div class="gmail_quote"><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">El jue, 4 de feb. de 2021 a la(s) 07:52, Adam James Ross Tallman (<a href="mailto:ajrtallman@utexas.edu" target="_blank">ajrtallman@utexas.edu</a>) escribió:<br></div><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex"><div dir="ltr"><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)">Thanks Martin, Grev and Erich!</div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)"><br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)">I'll take a look at these papers / dissertations / blog posts, some of which I hadn't catched yet.<br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)"><br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)">best,</div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)"><br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)">p.s. in case someone understood my email as an attack on a specific tribe called "formal phonologists", I only evoked a hypothetical "phonologist" manifested in various reviewers and conference goers who has insisted in having a (pointless) debate with me regarding whether some particular system is "really" ("prototypically") tonal or "really" ("prototypical") stress. Following the multivariate distinction advocated by the responsees, we should of course, reject such a distinction at the onset and break down the relevant categories into measurable typological variables. I'm excited to see people drop the term "stress" completely and just refer to prominence marks with values corresponding to their phonetic realization. <br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)"><br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)">best,<br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)"><br></div><div class="gmail_default" style="font-family:monospace,monospace;color:rgb(76,17,48)">Adam<br></div></div><br><div class="gmail_quote"><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Thu, Feb 4, 2021 at 2:32 PM Martin Haspelmath <<a href="mailto:martin_haspelmath@eva.mpg.de" target="_blank">martin_haspelmath@eva.mpg.de</a>> wrote:<br></div><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
<div>
It seems that there are at least three different issues here:<br>
<br>
(i) whether all speakers of a language have the same system even
when their conventional behaviour is identical; there happens to be
an example of indeterminacy in the latest issue of <i>Phonological
Data and Analysis</i> (see Matthew Gordon's earlier message):<br>
<br>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color:black;background:white none repeat scroll 0% 0%">Bennett, W. G.,
& Braver, A. (2020). Different speakers, different grammars:
Productivity
and representation of Xhosa labial palatalization. <i>Phonological
Data
and Analysis</i>, <i>2</i>(6), 1–29. </span><a href="https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v2art6.9" style="color:rgb(5,99,193);text-decoration:underline" target="_blank"><span style="background:white none repeat scroll 0% 0%">https://doi.org/10.3765/pda.v2art6.9</span></a></p>
<div><br>
(ii) on what basis one decides between different analyses of a
language-particular system; e.g. Schane's (1968) example of
English [spin], which can be phonemicized as /sbin/ (with phonetic
devoicing of /b/ after sibilant) or /spʰin/ (with phonetic
deaspiration in the same environment).<br>
<br>
(iii) how one links language-particular phenomena to comparative
concepts; Erich Round's paper on “Australian Phonemic Inventories
Contributed to PHOIBLE 2.0”
<a href="https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3464333" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3464333</a>
is a clear example of this last type. It seems that the issue in
Chácobo that Adam Tallman mentioned ("tone" vs. "stress") also
falls in this category.<br>
<br>
Phonologists do not always distinguish between (ii) and (iii)
(particular description vs. general comparison), as pointed out
prominently by Lass (1984) and Simpson (1999) (cited by Erich).
But Kiparsky (2018) (also cited by Erich) explicitly rejects the
distinction – I have argued against Kiparsky here:
<a href="https://dlc.hypotheses.org/1817" target="_blank">https://dlc.hypotheses.org/1817</a>.<br>
<br>
Best,<br>
Martin<br>
<br>
Am 04.02.21 um 13:28 schrieb Erich Round:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal">Hi Adam,<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">I’ve enjoyed the conversations you’ve
sparked here on the list recently, please keep them coming!<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Thanks for raising an important topic. I
have some paper suggestions below. I’d start by saying,
though, that you might be getting formal phonologists wrong.
Generative theorists from the start were well aware of the
non-uniqueness problem, and that’s one reason why they were so
keen on metrics to evaluate multiple candidate grammars. Now,
that’s not to say it proved to be plain sailing, but there’s a
deep appreciation of the problem buried in the theory, even if
for practical purposes much theoretical work (just like much
typological work) assumes only one analysis in order to get
some other task completed in a finite amount of time. In
optimality theory, the notion of Richness of the base is one
new-ish incarnation of attempts to deal with the matter.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Canonical Typology (Corbett 2005, Round and
Corbett 2020) provides the conceptual tools for asking not
just whether ‘the best analysis’ is A, B or C, but to what
extent, in multiple different regards, A, B and C differ and
therefore can be considered (dis)advantageous in different
ways. This helps us clarify why and how multiple analyses
arise in the first place. My forthcoming chapter (2021) on
phonotactics in Australian languages discusses this with
respect to complex segments; Kwon & Round (2015) discuss
it with respect to phonaesthemes; my review (2017) of Gordon’s
Phonological Typology (2016) discusses the idea of doing
typology over a distribution of possible analyses (which I
term ‘factorial analysis’) and points out some places where
Gordon’s own work covertly does this when confronted with
non-uniqueness. Parncutt (2015) applies the idea to
reduplication, and a current PhD student of mine, Ruihua Yin
presented some of her fascinating results regarding sonority
sequencing at the Australian Linguistics Society conference in
December; her thesis should be finished early this year, and
will be a major undertaking in this kind of typology. Round
(2019) discusses how I addressed the issue of non-uniqueness
when compiling a typologically nuanced set of 400 Australia
phoneme inventories for Phoible. Natalia Kuznetsova’s work
(2019) is relevant to prosody and responds to Hyman’s (2006)
classic paper. Other serious discussions of the issue from
various angles, typically very thoughtful and some quite
in-depth are: Hockett 1963, Lass 1984, Simpson 1999, Hyman
2007, 2008, 2017, Dresher 2009, van der Hulst 2017, Kiparksy
2018.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Best,<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Erich<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Corbett,
Greville G. 2005. “The Canonical Approach in Typology.” In
<i>Linguistic Diversity and Language Theories</i>, edited by
Zygmunt Frajzyngier, Adam Hodges, and David S Rood, 25–49.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Dresher, B.
Elan. 2009.
<i>The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonology</i>. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Gordon, Matthew
K. 2016.
<i>Phonological Typology</i>. Oxford University Press.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Hockett,
Charles F. 1963. “The Problem of Universals in Language.” In
<i>Universals of Language</i>, edited by Joseph Greenberg,
1–29.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Hyman, Larry.
2006. “Word-Prosodic Typology.”
<i>Phonology</i> 23: 225–57.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Hyman, Larry M.
2007. “Where’s Phonology in Typology?”
<i>Linguistic Typology</i> 11: 265–71.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Hyman, Larry M. 2008. “Universals in
Phonology.” <i>The Linguistic Review</i> 25: 83–137.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Hyman, Larry M.
2017. “What (Else) Depends on Phonology?” In
<i>Dependencies in Language</i>, edited by Nicholas Enfield,
141–58.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Kiparsky, Paul.
2018. “Formal and Empirical Issues in Phonological Typology.”
In
<i>Phonological Typology</i>, edited by Larry M. Hyman and
Frans Plank, 54–106. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Kuznetsova,
Natalia. 2019. What Danish and Estonian can show to a modern
word-prosodic typology. In Goedemans, R., Heinz, J., & van
der Hulst, H. (Eds.). The study of word stress and accent:
Theories, methods and data. CUP.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Kwon, Nahyun,
and Erich R. Round. 2015. “Phonaesthemes in Morphological
Theory.”
<i>Morphology</i> 25 (1): 1–27.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Lass, Roger.
1984. “Vowel System Universals and Typology: Prologue to
Theory.”
<i>Phonology Yearbook</i> 1: 75–111.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Parncutt, Amy.
2015. “Towards a Phonological Typology of Reduplication in
Australian Languages.” Honours Thesis, University of
Queensland.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Round, Erich R.
2017. “Review of Gordon, Matthew K. Phonological Typology, OUP
2016.”
<i>Folia Linguistica</i> 51 (3): 745–55.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Round, Erich R.
2019. “Australian Phonemic Inventories Contributed to PHOIBLE
2.0: Essential Explanatory Notes.”
<a href="https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3464333" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3464333</a>.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Round, Erich R.
forthcoming 2021. “Phonotactics.” In
<i>Oxford Guide to Australian Languages</i>, edited by Claire
Bowern. Oxford: Oxford University Press. DOI:
10.13140/RG.2.2.23022.13120<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Round, Erich
R., and Greville G. Corbett. 2020. “Comparability and
Measurement in Typological Science: The Bright Future for
Linguistics.”
<i>Linguistic Typology</i> 24 (3): 489–525.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Simpson, Adrian
P. 1999. “Fundamental Problems in Comparative Phonetics and
Phonology: Does UPSID Help to Solve Them.” In
<i>Proceedings of the 14th International Congress of Phonetic
Sciences</i>, 1:349–52. Berkeley: University of California.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:24pt">Van der Hulst,
Harry. 2017. “Phonological Typology.” In
<i>The Cambridge Handbook of Linguistic Typology</i>, edited
by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and Robert MW Dixon, 39–77.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.<u></u><u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
<div style="border-color:rgb(181,196,223) currentcolor currentcolor;border-style:solid none none;border-width:1pt medium medium;padding:3pt 0cm 0cm">
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:12pt;color:black">From: </span></b><span style="font-size:12pt;color:black">Lingtyp
<a href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank"><lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org></a> on
behalf of TALLMAN Adam <a href="mailto:Adam.TALLMAN@cnrs.fr" target="_blank"><Adam.TALLMAN@cnrs.fr></a><br>
<b>Date: </b>Thursday, 4 February 2021 at 9:20 pm<br>
<b>To: </b>VAN DE VELDE Mark
<a href="mailto:Mark.VANDEVELDE@cnrs.fr" target="_blank"><Mark.VANDEVELDE@cnrs.fr></a>,
<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">"lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org"</a>
<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank"><lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org></a><br>
<b>Subject: </b>Re: [Lingtyp] papers on non-uniqueness in
tone and stress<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
</div>
<div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">Thanks,
yes, I've read this paper.<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">Adam<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
<div>
<div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">Adam
James Ross Tallman (PhD, UT Austin)</span><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black;background:white none repeat scroll 0% 0%">ELDP-SOAS
-- Postdoctorant<br>
CNRS -- Dynamique Du Langage (UMR 5596)<br>
Bureau 207, 14 av. Berthelot, Lyon (07)</span><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black;background:white none repeat scroll 0% 0%">Numero
celular en bolivia: +59163116867</span><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center" align="center"><span>
<hr width="100%" size="0" align="center">
</span></div>
<div id="gmail-m_4029740457800328054gmail-m_-879253606055335032gmail-m_-5736692052986047601gmail-m_7379338437805928661divRpF862855">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom:12pt"><b><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black">De
:</span></b><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black">
Lingtyp [<a href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>] de
la part de Mark Van de Velde [<a href="mailto:mark.vandevelde@cnrs.fr" target="_blank">mark.vandevelde@cnrs.fr</a>]<br>
<b>Envoyé :</b> jeudi 4 février 2021 11:57<br>
<b>À :</b> <a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a><br>
<b>Objet :</b> Re: [Lingtyp] papers on non-uniqueness
in tone and stress</span><span><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p><span>Dear Adam:</span><span><u></u><u></u></span></p>
<p><span>I can recommend
Hyman (2012).<u></u><u></u></span></p>
<p><span>All the best,<u></u><u></u></span></p>
<p><span>Mark<u></u><u></u></span></p>
<p><span>Hyman, Larry M. 2012.
In defense of prosodic typology: A response to Beckman
and Venditti.
<i>Linguistic Typology</i>. De Gruyter Mouton 16(3).
341–385. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1515/lity-2012-0014" target="_blank">
https://doi.org/10.1515/lity-2012-0014</a>.<u></u><u></u></span></p>
<p><span><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
<p><span><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span>On 04/02/2021 11:12,
TALLMAN Adam wrote:<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<blockquote style="margin-top:5pt;margin-bottom:5pt">
<div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">Hello
all,<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">I'm
looking for papers on the notion of
non-uniqueness in phonology (or morphosyntax if
applicable). I have three so far (Chao, Hockett,
and Schane).<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">I'm
particularly interesting in non-uniqueness in
the domain of the description of suprasegmentals
- like when we have a system that seems to mix
tone and (other types of) prominence whether the
system should be described as tonal with a
stress mapped to it or vice versa. Phonologists
discuss the issue as if there is an obvious
unique best way of describing such relations in
all cases. But I think that's probably false and
it choosing one over the other just amounts to
an expositional decision - some of the
discussion in Tallman and Elias-Ulloa (2020)
point in this direction in Chácobo.<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">There's
also the related issue of
<b><i>when</i></b> the acoustic correlates of
some phonological category are organized in such
a way as to genuinely merit the designation
"tone". Phonologists seem to assume that this
issue is trivial or obvious - again, I think
this is probably false (the notion is more open
ended than is recognized) regardless of the
phonological evidence that can be rallied in
support of one position or another.<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">@Article{chao:1934:phonemes,<br>
title = {The non-uniqueness of phonemic
solutions of phonetic systems},<br>
author = {Yuen Ren Chao},<br>
journal = {Bulletin of the Institute of
History and Philology, Academia Sinica},<br>
year = {1934},<br>
volume = {4},<br>
number = {},<br>
pages = {363-397},<br>
%doi = {},<br>
%urldate = {},<br>
}<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">@incollection{hockett:1963:universals,<br>
Author = {Charles F. Hockett},<br>
Booktitle = {Universals of language (Volume
2)}, <br>
Editor = {Joseph H. Greenberg},<br>
Pages = {1-29},<br>
Publisher = {MIT Press},<br>
Address = {Cambridge, MA},<br>
Title = {The problem of universals in
language},<br>
Year = {1963},<br>
Edition = {}}<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">@Article{schane:1968:nonuniqueness,<br>
title = {On the non-uniqueness of
phonological representations},<br>
author = {Sanford A. Schane},<br>
journal = {Language},<br>
year = {1968},<br>
volume = {44},<br>
number = {4},<br>
pages = {363-397},<br>
%doi = {},<br>
%urldate = {},<br>
}<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
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<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">@Article{tallman:eliasulloa:2020:acoustics,<br>
title = {The acoustic correlates of stress
and tone in Chácobo (Pano)},<br>
author = {Adam J.R. Tallman},<br>
journal = {The acoustic correlates of stress
and tone in Chácobo (Pano): A production study},<br>
editor = {Adam J.R. Tallman and José
Élias-Ulloa},<br>
year = {2020},<br>
volume = {147},<br>
number = {4},<br>
pages = {3028},<br>
doi = {<a href="https://doi.org/10.1121/10.0001014" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.1121/10.0001014</a>},<br>
%urldate = {2019-07-04},<br>
}<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">Adam<u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
<div>
<div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u> <u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black">Adam
James Ross Tallman (PhD, UT Austin)</span><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black;background:white none repeat scroll 0% 0%">ELDP-SOAS
-- Postdoctorant<br>
CNRS -- Dynamique Du Langage (UMR 5596)<br>
Bureau 207, 14 av. Berthelot, Lyon (07)</span><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
<div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Verdana,sans-serif;color:black;background:white none repeat scroll 0% 0%">Numero
celular en bolivia: +59163116867</span><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:Tahoma,sans-serif;color:black"><u></u><u></u></span></p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span><br>
<br>
<u></u><u></u></span></p>
<pre><span style="color:black">_______________________________________________<u></u><u></u></span></pre>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span>--
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<a href="https://mark.vandevelde.cnrs.fr" target="_blank"><span style="color:rgb(153,0,0);text-decoration:none">mark.vandevelde.cnrs.fr</span></a>
<br>
<a href="https://bantu.cnrs.fr" target="_blank"><span style="color:black;text-decoration:none">bantu.cnrs.fr</span></a>
<u></u><u></u></span></p>
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</tbody>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><u></u> <u></u></p>
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<pre>_______________________________________________
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</pre>
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<br>
<pre cols="72">--
Martin Haspelmath
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Deutscher Platz 6
D-04103 Leipzig
<a href="https://www.shh.mpg.de/employees/42385/25522" target="_blank">https://www.shh.mpg.de/employees/42385/25522</a></pre>
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</blockquote></div><br clear="all"><br>-- <br><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><font face="times new roman, serif">Adam J.R. Tallman</font></div><div dir="ltr"><font face="times new roman, serif">PhD, University of Texas at Austin<br></font><div><font face="times new roman, serif">Investigador del Museo de Etnografía y Folklore, la Paz<br></font><div><font face="times new roman, serif"><font style="color:rgb(0,0,0)"><font>ELDP -- </font>Postdoctorante<br></font><font style="color:rgb(0,0,0)"><font>CNRS -- </font>Dynamique Du Langage (UMR 5596)</font></font><br></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>
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</blockquote></div><br clear="all"><div><br></div>-- <br><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div><div dir="ltr"><div>Dr. Hiroto Uchihara</div><div><a href="https://sites.google.com/view/hiroto-uchihara/home?authuser=0" target="_blank">https://sites.google.com/view/hiroto-uchihara/home?authuser=0</a><br></div><div>Investigador, Titular A, Tiempo Completo, Definitivo</div><div>Seminario de Lenguas Indígenas</div><div>Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas</div><div>Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México</div><div>Circuito Mario de la Cueva</div><div>Ciudad Universitaria, 04510, Ciudad de México.</div><div>Tel. Seminario:(+52)-(55)-5622-7489</div><div>Office: (+52)-(55)-5622-7250, Ext. 49223</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>
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