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<p><font face="Calibri">Dear Aigul,</font></p>
<p><font face="Calibri">For the record, in the Taimyr Evenki variety
documented by K. Rychkov around 1910, the regular 1SG agreement
marker -w seems to have been used just for *any* person and
number. But this is likely due to the ongoing language shift in
that community, not to some specific modality etc.<br>
Chris Däbritz (in cc.) can tell you more on that.<br>
<br>
Greetings and all the best,<br>
Alexandre</font><br>
</p>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">12/11/2021 02:19, Aigul Zakirova пишет:<br>
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<div dir="ltr">Dear colleagues,<br>
I am wondering whether you know of any languages in which a
finite 1SG verb form (e.g. non-past) is also used in modal
contexts (e.g. optative or deontic) with subjects which are not
1SG. I am asking because I came across such a use in languages I
work on, Meadow Mari and Hill Mari (Uralic). <br>
<br>
In the examples below a non-past 1SG form is combined with <i>əl’e</i>, a
form of the verb 'to be', to yield an optative reading. In other
types of optative utterances əl’e is also used, so
əl’e is not very interesting; what interests me is the use of
the non-past 1SG form. <br>
<br>
Meadow Mari<br>
erla jür lij-am əl’-e!<br>
tomorrow rain become-NPST.1SG be-AOR.3SG<br>
‘If only it rained tomorrow!’<br>
<br>
Meadow Mari<br>
maksim erla tol-am əl’-e<br>
Maksim tomorrow arrive-NPST.1SG be-AOR.3SG<br>
‘If only Maksim (person's name) arrived tomorrow!’<br>
<br>
To put it more broadly, if you have encountered cases where a
certain "petrified" person-number verb form is used in atypical
contexts which are distant from the original form's meaning, I
am also interested in such cases. What comes to my mind is <br>
-formal coincidence or resemblance between indicative and
imperative 2PL forms <br>
-use of imperatives in Russian to convey abruptness (А он как
побеги!) or in conditional / concessive clauses (Сделай он это,
все было бы по-другому) <br>
But maybe there is something else on the matter?<br>
<br>
Best,<br>
Aigul Zakirova</div>
<br>
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