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    <p>In the Russian media (in Russia), an exact equivalent of the
      Hebrew construction cited by David, with an institutional agent,
      is more common: <i>V Gosdume zajavili… </i>'in the State Duma
      (they) said…', <i>V RPC zajavili… </i>'in the Russian Orthodox
      Church they said…' It is commonly used when citing some
      spokesperson from said institution, not even necessarily an
      official representative. In fact I share Eitan's intuition for
      Hebrew that this implies that the action was not taken / the
      opinion is not held univocally.<br>
    </p>
    <p>- Oleg<br>
    </p>
    <div class="moz-cite-prefix">01.06.2023 13:06, Dmitri Sitchinava
      пишет:<br>
    </div>
    <blockquote type="cite"
cite="mid:CAHSsr-2UP5vK_zwTCSs5B7hiGobZDmnWZyHUNksGmaMK55bF=w@mail.gmail.com">
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      <div dir="ltr">In Ukraine (both in Ukrainian and in Russian) a
        popular journalistic construction since 2019 has been <i>U
          Zelenskoho zajavyly '</i>At Zelensky's (impersonal) they-said'<i>,
        </i>implying that Zelensky was not quite an independent actor
        and his spokesmen had a kind of collective institutional
        agentivity. Later it was extended to <i>u Putina </i>etc.,
        being now a default construction for spokesmen.
        <div><br>
        </div>
        <div>Dmitri</div>
      </div>
      <div dir="ltr"><br>
      </div>
      <br>
      <div class="gmail_quote">
        <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">Am Do., 1. Juni 2023 um
          09:56 Uhr schrieb Silvia Luraghi <<a
            href="mailto:luraghi@unipv.it" target="_blank"
            moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-freetext">luraghi@unipv.it</a>>:<br>
        </div>
        <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px
          0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
          <div dir="ltr">
            <div>Dear David,</div>
            <div>I agree with Chrsitian and Sebastian, this is a way of
              deindividualizing the agent and rather than with number it
              is connected with collective/institutional referents. In
              Italian you find the same, especially in journalistic
              discourse, e.g. <br>
            </div>
            <div>Nel PD ci si interroga sulla linea da tenere</div>
            <div>in_the PD one REFL asks on_the line to keep</div>
            <div>"In the Democratic Party they wonder what line they
              should adopt"</div>
            <div>Interestingly, this is ok with collective nouns that
              are morphologically singular but with nouns that are
              morphologically plural you cannot use plural articles, you
              must treat them as if they were not count plurals:</div>
            <div>Nella Lega ci si interroga ... OK</div>
            <div>in_the(SG)  Lega(SG) ...<br>
            </div>
            <div>
              *Nei Fratelli d'Italia ci si interroga... (impossible)</div>
            <div>in_the(PL) Fratelli(PL) d'Italia<br>
            </div>
            <div>In Fratelli d'Italia ci si interroga... OK (here the
              preposition in comes without the article)<br>
            </div>
            <div>Silvia<br>
            </div>
            <div><br>
            </div>
            <div>
              <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_signature">
                <div dir="ltr">Silvia Luraghi<br>
                  Università di Pavia<br>
                  Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici, Sezione di
                  Linguistica <br>
                  Strada Nuova 65<br>
                  I-27100 Pavia<br>
                  tel.: +39/0382/984685
                  <div>Web page personale: <a
                      href="https://studiumanistici.unipv.it/?pagina=docenti&id=68"
                      target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true">https://studiumanistici.unipv.it/?pagina=docenti&id=68</a></div>
                </div>
              </div>
            </div>
            <br>
          </div>
          <br>
          <div class="gmail_quote">
            <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">Il giorno gio 1 giu 2023
              alle ore 09:18 Sebastian Nordhoff <<a
                href="mailto:sebastian.nordhoff@glottotopia.de"
                target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true"
                class="moz-txt-link-freetext">sebastian.nordhoff@glottotopia.de</a>>
              ha scritto:<br>
            </div>
            <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px
              0.8ex;border-left:1px solid
              rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">Dear David,<br>
              in both Sinhala and Sri Lanka Malay, institutional actors
              (government, <br>
              board, committee, police) are marked with the
              instrumental. I suppose <br>
              that your Likud examples would get the instrumental as
              well in those <br>
              languages.<br>
              <br>
              You write that [number] seems to be the relevant factor.
              But if you have <br>
              "one baker" and "thirteen bakers", you would probably not
              get the <br>
              difference. So it might be more the feature
              [+institutional] or <br>
              [+collective], as you say.<br>
              <br>
              When looking into the instrumental in the Sri Lankan
              languages, I was <br>
              wondering whether British English agreement ("The
              committee have <br>
              discussed ... ") and Dutch feminine institutional
              reference ("het <br>
              kabinet en haar beleid" 'the cabinet[N] and her[F]
              policies') are <br>
              actually triggered by the same semantics. I found that
              interesting since <br>
              this is a grammatical fact that relies on the society
              having some kind <br>
              of bureaucracy, which poses interesting questions with
              regard to innateness.<br>
              Best wishes<br>
              Sebastian<br>
              <br>
              <br>
              <br>
              <br>
              On 6/1/23 06:43, David Gil wrote:<br>
              > Hi all,<br>
              > <br>
              > Is anybody familiar with a case of split ergativity
              in which the <br>
              > conditioning factor is the number of the Agent NP?<br>
              > <br>
              > My reason for <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="asking:in">asking:in</a> Hebrew, especially in a
              journalese register, in <br>
              > a transitive A V P construction, when the A is
              semantically plural, <br>
              > typically denoting a collective entity, it is often
              marked with the <br>
              > locative proclitic /b-/ while the verb takes plural
              subject agreement in <br>
              > an apparent impersonal construction.For example, in a
              sentence about the <br>
              > Likud political party:<br>
              > <br>
              > balikud muxanim lidħot et hamahapexa hamišpatit ...<br>
              > <br>
              > LOC-Likud <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="prepare:3.PLM">prepare:3.PLM</a> INF-postpone ACC
              DEF-revolution <br>
              > DEF-legislative.F ...<br>
              > <br>
              > idiomatically: 'The Likud is willing to postpone the
              legislative <br>
              > revolution ...'<br>
              > <br>
              > literally: 'In the Likud they're willing to postpone
              the legislative <br>
              > revolution ...'<br>
              > <br>
              > Such constructions are extremely widespread in
              journalistic writing.The <br>
              > above example, part of a newspaper headline, is
              followed by a string of <br>
              > several clauses all exhibiting the same construction,
              each beginning <br>
              > with a semantically plural agent marked with locative
              /<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="b-:/">b-:/</a> 'in the <br>
              > ruling party', 'in closed rooms', 'in the other
              side', etc. <br>
              > [<a
                href="https://www.ynet.co.il/news/article/bk5kubsin#autoplay"
                rel="noreferrer" target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true"
                class="moz-txt-link-freetext">https://www.ynet.co.il/news/article/bk5kubsin#autoplay</a>]<br>
              > <br>
              > In the above construction, the locative proclitic
              /b-/ seems to be <br>
              > approaching the function of an ergative marker,
              albeit a rather atypical <br>
              > one: in particular, when the P is definite, as in the
              above example, it <br>
              > is marked with the definite direct object, thereby
              retaining accusative <br>
              > alignment.<br>
              > <br>
              > I wonder whether anybody has come across similar
              constructions, in which <br>
              > an incipient or apparent ergative case marking system
              is licensed by <br>
              > number (rather than by more commonly-cited features
              such as aspect or <br>
              > person).<br>
              > <br>
              > Thanks,<br>
              > <br>
              > David<br>
              > <br>
              > <br>
              > _______________________________________________<br>
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      <pre class="moz-quote-pre" wrap="">_______________________________________________
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