<div dir="ltr"><br clear="all"><div><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_signature" data-smartmail="gmail_signature"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div dir="ltr"><div>Hi Juergen,</div><div><br></div><div>Coptic (Afroasiatic) is also an exception. It has a productive causative prefix <i>tr(e)- </i>which can apply equally to intransitive and transitive predicates, but also has a range of periphrastic constructions using lexical verbs like <i>kô</i> ('put') which seems to have evolved permissive and ultimately causative functions. </div><div><br></div><div>Actually, this is just a snapshot of the latest stage of development, as the domain of causativity shows cyclical behavior of lexicalization and grammaticalization over the course of some 4000 years of Egyptian diachrony: verbs with an old prefix <i>s</i>- become lexicalized (roughly 'make live' > 'nurture'), while periphrastic constructions with a verb meaning 'give' arise ('give' + subjunctive) and ultimately univerbate and lexicalize ('make X become pure' > 'purify'); new periphrastic constructions with the same verb 'give' arise and later become affixes, etc. The Coptic prefix <i>tr(e)-</i> goes back to this old 'give' verb. </div><div><br></div><div>So it seems that the existence of a productive causative affix doesn't block the grammaticalization of new periphrastic constructions, but the latter may be facilitated by a possible tendency (?) of causatives to lexicalize more specific meanings. Incidentally, is this what happened in the history of English, with remnants like <i>fall~fell?</i></div><div><br></div><div>Eitan<br></div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div dir="ltr">Eitan Grossman<div>Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics<br></div><div>Department of Linguistics<br></div><div>Hebrew University of Jerusalem</div><div>Tel: +972 2 588 3809</div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><div><div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><br></div><br><div class="gmail_quote"><div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">On Wed, Jun 7, 2023 at 11:26 PM Guillaume Jacques <<a href="mailto:rgyalrongskad@gmail.com">rgyalrongskad@gmail.com</a>> wrote:<br></div><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px 0.8ex;border-left-width:1px;border-left-style:solid;border-left-color:rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">Dear Juergen,<br>
<br>
Japhug (<a href="http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/295" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">langsci-press.org/catalog/book/295</a>) is a counterexample, it<br>
has a very productive causative prefix sɯ-/z- (phonologically<br>
conditioned allomorphs) which can be applied to loanwords from Tibetan<br>
and even from Chinese, and occurs on transitive verbs<br>
(<a href="https://paperhive.org/documents/items/Q7EaSdGqQ2jb?a=p:863" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://paperhive.org/documents/items/Q7EaSdGqQ2jb?a=p:863</a>), but at<br>
the same time there are periphrastic causative constructions, for<br>
instance with the verb βzu "make"<br>
(<a href="https://paperhive.org/documents/items/Q7EaSdGqQ2jb?a=p:1378" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://paperhive.org/documents/items/Q7EaSdGqQ2jb?a=p:1378</a>).<br>
<br>
Guillaume<br>
<br>
Le mer. 7 juin 2023 à 20:57, Juergen Bohnemeyer <<a href="mailto:jb77@buffalo.edu" target="_blank">jb77@buffalo.edu</a>> a écrit :<br>
><br>
> Dear all – It seems that languages with fully productive morphological causatives tend to lack syntactic (a.k.a. periphrastic/analytical) causatives. By ‘fully productive’, I mean crucially that the causative marker can be applied to already transitive (and thus semantically causative) bases, and therefore can be used to express indirect causation. Examples of languages that have fully productive morphological causatives in this sense and lack periphrastic causative constructions include Chuvash, Japanese, Hindi/Urdu, and Shawi (Cahuapanan, Peru).<br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
> Two questions about the above generalization:<br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
> (i) Are there counterexamples?<br>
><br>
> (ii) Are there statements of this generalization in the literature?<br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
> Thanks! – Juergen<br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
> Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)<br>
> Professor, Department of Linguistics<br>
> University at Buffalo<br>
><br>
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