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    <p>You may have a look at Katarzyna Janic's project on P-demotion in
      typological perspective (see
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://wn.amu.edu.pl/sprawy-naukowe/projekty/katarzyna-janic,-towards-grammatical-iconicity-of-language-a-crosslinguistic-study-of-p-demotion-constructions">https://wn.amu.edu.pl/sprawy-naukowe/projekty/katarzyna-janic,-towards-grammatical-iconicity-of-language-a-crosslinguistic-study-of-p-demotion-constructions</a>),
      e.g. <a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="https://czasopisma.uph.edu.pl/index.php/contemporary/article/view/1846">this
        paper</a>. She discusses incorporation in connection with
      P-demotion.</p>
    <p>It depends of course on the definition of "demotion". In my 2022
      paper on valency and voice constructions, I limit the term to
      situations where a core argument becomes an oblique argument (see
      the glossary here: <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/005941">https://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/005941</a>). This is
      probably all we need, as there is no "subject-to-object demotion",
      or "argument-to-adjunct demotion" (passive agents are oblique
      arguments, not adjuncts).</p>
    <p>And it depends on the definition of "incorporation". For a long
      time, I was pessimistic about defining this term (as <a
        moz-do-not-send="true" href="https://dlc.hypotheses.org/135">in
        this older blogpost</a>), but more recently, I proposed that it
      is defined as a type of compounding (see
      <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://zenodo.org/record/8137251">https://zenodo.org/record/8137251</a>), and I would agree with
      Guillaume Jacques that there can be both saturating and
      non-staturating incorporation. The term "incorporation" is used in
      different ways in the literature, but if you adopt my definition
      of "compounding", then there can be different effects on the
      valency.</p>
    <p>Best,</p>
    <p>Martin<br>
    </p>
    <div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 09.10.23 20:41, Guillaume Jacques
      wrote:<br>
    </div>
    <blockquote type="cite"
cite="mid:CAAzt3zapaQRFevJYmTs4+D_9wPpqJVYkm9uNq4JCMVLZQCfEiA@mail.gmail.com">
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      <div dir="ltr">
        <div dir="ltr">Dear Christian,
          <div><br>
          </div>
          <div>I think that it would depend on the type of incorporation
            -- non-saturating incorporation is not, but when the
            incorporated noun corresponds to the object of the base
            verb, resulting in an intransitive incorporating verb, I
            think that we can argue that object incorporation is a
            antipassivization strategy (this is what I proposed in the
            following chapter: <a
              href="https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.130.13jac"
              moz-do-not-send="true">Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations
              in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources
              (benjamins.com)</a>; I can provide a PDF upon request).
            From a diachronic point of view, Southern Kiranti languages
            such as Puma and Bantawa offer interesting examples of
            antipassive prefixes originating from an incorporated
            generic noun kʰa-.</div>
          <div><br>
          </div>
          <div>Best wishes,</div>
          <div><br>
          </div>
          <div>Guillaume</div>
        </div>
      </div>
      <br>
      <div class="gmail_quote">
        <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_attr">Le lun. 9 oct. 2023 à 18:12,
          Christian Lehmann <<a
            href="mailto:christian.lehmann@uni-erfurt.de"
            moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-freetext">christian.lehmann@uni-erfurt.de</a>>
          a écrit :<br>
        </div>
        <blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0px 0px 0px
          0.8ex;border-left:1px solid rgb(204,204,204);padding-left:1ex">
          <div> I have a partly conceptual, partly terminological
            question: Do you know of any substantive arguments to decide
            the question whether incorporation may be considered a form
            of demotion? To explain:<br>
            <br>
            A hierarchy of syntactic functions along the lines of
            'subject - direct object - indirect object - other
            complement - adjunct' is assumed. Demotion is by definition
            the shift of an actant (some people prefer 'argument') from
            its (relatively high) position to a lower position on this
            hierarchy.The shift is generally accompanied by occupying
            the freed position by something else, so the demoted actant
            is "ousted".<br>
            <br>
            Since the incorporated position of a nominal expression is
            not a syntactic function (but rather a morphological one),
            the straightforward answer to the introductory question
            would be 'no'. However:<br>
            <ul>
              <li>There is no sharp boundary between syntax and
                morphology, so a gradience that starts in the syntax
                might end in the morphology.</li>
              <li>Something occupying a relatively low hierarchical
                position generally becomes optional. If it is omitted,
                it somehow disappears from the syntactic structure. This
                could also be said of an incorporated nominal.</li>
              <li>An incorporated nominal often frees its syntactic
                position - generally, the direct-object or absolutive
                position -, so this may be occupied by something else.
                Thus, in ergative syntax, if the undergoer is
                incorporated, the actor does not remain in the ergative,
                but becomes the absolutive actant.</li>
            </ul>
            So there would at least seem to be some similarity between
            demotion (of a direct object or absolutive actant) and its
            incorporation. If demotion is not the appropriate cover
            term, should I subsume both phenomena under something else?<br>
            <div>-- <br>
              <p style="font-size:90%">Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann<br>
                Rudolfstr. 4<br>
                99092 Erfurt<br>
                <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Deutschland</span></p>
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                    <td>Tel.:</td>
                    <td>+49/361/2113417</td>
                  </tr>
                  <tr>
                    <td>E-Post:</td>
                    <td><a href="mailto:christianw_lehmann@arcor.de"
                        target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true"
                        class="moz-txt-link-freetext">christianw_lehmann@arcor.de</a></td>
                  </tr>
                  <tr>
                    <td>Web:</td>
                    <td><a href="https://www.christianlehmann.eu"
                        target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true"
                        class="moz-txt-link-freetext">https://www.christianlehmann.eu</a></td>
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          _______________________________________________<br>
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      <div><br>
      </div>
      <span class="gmail_signature_prefix">-- </span><br>
      <div dir="ltr" class="gmail_signature">
        <div dir="ltr">
          <div>Guillaume Jacques</div>
          <div><br>
          </div>
          <div>Directeur de recherches<br>
            CNRS (CRLAO) - EPHE- INALCO <br>
          </div>
          <div><a
              href="https://scholar.google.fr/citations?user=1XCp2-oAAAAJ&hl=fr"
              target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true">https://scholar.google.fr/citations?user=1XCp2-oAAAAJ&hl=fr</a><br>
          </div>
          <div><a href="http://cnrs.academia.edu/GuillaumeJacques"
              target="_blank" moz-do-not-send="true">https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/295</a></div>
          <div>
            <div><a href="http://panchr.hypotheses.org/" target="_blank"
                moz-do-not-send="true" class="moz-txt-link-freetext">http://panchr.hypotheses.org/</a></div>
          </div>
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      <br>
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      <pre class="moz-quote-pre" wrap="">_______________________________________________
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</pre>
    </blockquote>
    <pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">-- 
Martin Haspelmath
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Deutscher Platz 6
D-04103 Leipzig
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.eva.mpg.de/linguistic-and-cultural-evolution/staff/martin-haspelmath/">https://www.eva.mpg.de/linguistic-and-cultural-evolution/staff/martin-haspelmath/</a></pre>
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