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<p class="western" style="page-break-before: always" align="left">
Dear specialists in syntax,</p>
<p class="western" style="margin-bottom: 0.5cm">I have a question
concerning the referential control relation between an argument <font
color="#ff0000"><u>N</u></font><font color="#ff0000"><u><sup>h</sup></u></font>
of a superordinate predication and a zero argument <font
color="#ff0000"><u>N</u></font><font color="#ff0000"><u><sup>d</sup></u></font>
of a dependent predication such that <font color="#ff0000"><u>N</u></font><font
color="#ff0000"><u><sup>h</sup></u></font>
determines the reference of <font color="#ff0000"><u>N</u></font><font
color="#ff0000"><u><sup>d</sup></u></font>,
as in this example:</p>
<p class="western" align="left">John<sub>i</sub> tried [∅<sub>i</sub>
to introduce Mary to Bill].</p>
<p class="western" align="left">As far as I know about this chapter
of syntax (which is very little), the zero argument of the
dependent
predicate whose reference is thus controlled is the subject of the
dependent verb, and the latter appears in a non-finite form which
is
commonly (though not necessarily) an infinitive.</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Suppose I have a construction</p>
<p class="western" align="left">[ [N<sup>h</sup><sub>i</sub>]<sub>NP</sub>
V<sup>h</sup> [ ∅<sub>i</sub> X<sub>NP</sub> V<sup>d</sup>-Inf] ]</p>
<p class="western" align="left">where the dependent infinitive V<sup>d</sup>
has a zero argument which is under referential control by some N<sup>h</sup>
of the matrix clause.</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Can I assert that the category of
the
∅ must be NP and its function must be subject of V<sup>d</sup>?</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Putting the question the other way
around: Given a configuration</p>
<p class="western" align="left">John tried [ A introduce B to C ],</p>
<p class="western" align="left">is it possible, in some language,
for
B or C to be John without adapting the voice or valency of V<sup>d</sup>?
That is, ‘introduce’ would be an active verb form, though ex
hypothesi not an infinitive of the familiar kind, because for
these
the answer appears to be ‘no’.</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Background of my question: Cabecar
has two transitive constructions:</p>
<p class="western" align="left">1) [NP<sub>Erg</sub> NP<sub>Abs</sub>
V]</p>
<p class="western" align="left">2) [ NP<sub>1</sub> NP<sub>2</sub>
V]</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Construction 1 is ergative, with the
syntactic function of NP<sub>Erg</sub> being marked while NP<sub>Abs</sub>
is a bare NP. In construction 2, both NP<sub>1</sub>
and NP<sub>2</sub> are bare NPs, in fixed order, but lacking
marking
of their syntactic function. NP<sub>2</sub> is not distinguishable
from NP<sub>Abs</sub>.</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Now if I have</p>
<p class="western" align="left">[ [N<sup>h</sup><sub>i</sub>]<sub>NP</sub>
V<sup>h</sup> [ ∅<sub>i</sub> X<sub>NP</sub> V<sup>d</sup>-Inf] ]</p>
<p class="western" align="left">how do I know which of the two
transitive constructions is represented in the dependent clause?
Is
there a principle of general comparative grammar which determines
this?</p>
<p class="western" align="left">I beg the specialists’ pardon if
this question is somehow misplaced.</p>
<p class="western" align="left">Christian </p>
<p>-- </p>
<div class="moz-signature">
<p style="font-size:90%">Prof. em. Dr. Christian Lehmann<br>
Rudolfstr. 4<br>
99092 Erfurt<br>
<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Deutschland</span></p>
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<td>+49/361/2113417</td>
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<td>E-Post:</td>
<td><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:christianw_lehmann@arcor.de">christianw_lehmann@arcor.de</a></td>
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<td>Web:</td>
<td><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.christianlehmann.eu">https://www.christianlehmann.eu</a></td>
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