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Dear Abby,</div>
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<span style="color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">I have co-edited a typological survey on non-verbal predication, which is about to appear very soon
</span><span style="color: blue;"><u><a style="color: blue;" class="OWAAutoLink" id="OWA2518556c-d2e4-117b-de2a-4f04da0783ba" href="https://www.degruyterbrill.com/serial/chl-9-b/html">https://www.degruyterbrill.com/serial/chl-9-b/html</a></u></span><span style="color: rgb(0, 0, 0);">.</span></div>
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The use of a different strategies to mark indefinite nominal predicates (I call this “inclusion predication”) and equative/identificational clauses (I call this “identity predication”) vs. other types of non-verbal predication is relatively common cross-linguistically
 (Creissels et al. 2025: 17). Lopit (Nilotic), e.g., employs the copula for nominal predication, while adverbial predication involves the mere juxtaposition of subject and predicate (cf. Bertinetto et al. 2025: 1222). Chukchi (Paleosiberian) has different copulae
 for inclusion/identity predication vs. locational predication. Mande languages often have a distinct copula for nominal vs. adverbial predication (Bertinetto et al. 2025: 1263-1264).</div>
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The presence of different copulae or strategies for inclusion and identity predication is also relatively common cross-linguistically (Creissels et al. 2025: 29; Bertinetto et al. 2025: 1262) although there are also many languages that lack any formal distinction
 between them. Cuwabo, e.g., has a copula for identity predication but various strategies for inclusion predication. Among Cushitic languages, Kambaata, K’abeena and other Highland East Cushitic varieties have a dedicated copula for identity predication. Guarijío
 (Uto-Aztecan) uses the copula for identity predication, but juxtaposition for proper inclusion in the present, while identity and inclusion predication share another copula in non-present-referring contexts. Puyuma (Formosan) marks inclusion through juxtaposition
 and identity through a copula (Bertinetto et al. 2025: 1231-1232). Western Apache has dedicated copulae for identity vs. inclusion predication (Bertinetto et al. 2025: 1264). Wayan Fijian, as mentioned by Alexandre François (who authored a chapter in this
 multi-volume work), is another case in point.</div>
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It is challenging to study the expression of adjectival predication cross-linguistically because not all authors recognize a class of adjectives. Adjectival predication typically aligns with nominal predication although there can be different copulae, as in
 Purki (Bodic, Sino-Tibetan) (cf. Creissels et al. 2025: 11). Guarijío (Uto-Aztecan) also has a copula for adjectival predication (Bertinetto et al. 2025: 1263).</div>
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The non-verbal predication of almost all languages I have mentioned is addressed in detail in the chapters of our work. For brevity, I have just cited the initial and the final chapter (I am happy to share them with anyone who is interested), where one can
 find all necessary references. </div>
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 </div>
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Bertinetto, Pier Marco, Luca Ciucci & Denis Creissels. 2025. Non-verbal predication: Results and perspectives. In Pier Marco Bertinetto, Luca Ciucci & Denis Creissels (eds.),
<i>Non-verbal predication in the world’s languages: A typological survey</i>. <i>
Volume 2: Africa, Austronesia, Papunesia, Australia </i>(Comparative Handbooks of Linguistics 9), 1215–1274. Berlin & Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.</div>
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Creissels, Denis, Pier Marco Bertinetto & Luca Ciucci. 2025. Non-verbal predication in the world’s languages: An analytical framework. In Pier Marco Bertinetto, Luca Ciucci & Denis Creissels (eds.),
<i>Non-verbal predication in the world’s languages: A typological survey</i>. <i>
Volume 1: Eurasia, North America, South America </i>(Comparative Handbooks of Linguistics 9), 3–55. Berlin & Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.</div>
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<br>
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All the best</div>
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<br>
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Luca</div>
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<br>
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<br>
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Luca Ciucci</div>
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Postdoctoral Research Fellow</div>
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Chair for Multilingual Computational Linguistics, University of Passau</div>
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Adjunct Research Fellow</div>
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James Cook University</div>
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<a id="LPlnk239374" href="https://www.geku.uni-passau.de/en/mcl/team/luca-ciucci">https://www.geku.uni-passau.de/en/mcl/team/luca-ciucci</a></div>
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<a id="LPlnk864382" href="https://cv.hal.science/luca-ciucci">https://cv.hal.science/luca-ciucci</a></div>
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<div id="divRplyFwdMsg" dir="ltr"><font face="Calibri, sans-serif" style="font-size:11pt" color="#000000"><b>From:</b> Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org> on behalf of Juergen Bohnemeyer via Lingtyp <lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org><br>
<b>Sent:</b> 06 September 2025 05:24<br>
<b>To:</b> Alex Francois <alex.francois.cnrs@gmail.com>; Abigail Roberts <asroberts@berkeley.edu><br>
<b>Cc:</b> lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org <lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org><br>
<b>Subject:</b> Re: [Lingtyp] Split in copulas co-occurring with nominals?</font>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Dear Abby – Splits between ascriptive (i.e., class-inclusion) predication and equative (or identificational) predication are discussed in Stassen (2003: 100-120) (as already mentioned by Bill Croft).
</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">And, since Alex Francois brings up omnipredicativity, there is a very interesting quirk in several languages that have been described as omnipredicative, including Classical Nahuatl (Launey 2004),
 Straits Salish (Jelinek & Demers 1994), and Yucatec Maya (Vapnarsky 2013). In all instances, whereas ascriptive predication is expressed by inflecting the nominal or adjectival predicate with whatever functional machinery the language requires for this purpose,
 equative predications require a special kind of copula-like expressions – but only if the predicate involves the equivalent of a definite article.
</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">In all instances, the copula-like elements are a class of emphatic pronouns which seem to be specialized specifically on predication. Launay calls these ‘predicates of identification’ and Jelinek
 & Demers call them ‘deictic predicates.’ I analyze them as a generalization of what Diessel (1999: 4-6, 78-92) calls ‘demonstrative identifiers.’ I think demonstrative identifiers are the third-person instances of these identificational predicators.
</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Below are a couple of Yucatec examples. You can see in (1a) and (1c) that equative predication requires no copula-like element as long as the predicate doesn’t involve the definite article, as in
 (2) and (3). In the latter cases, the empathic 3SG pronoun <i>leti’</i> takes over the role of the predicator.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">(1)      a.       Juan            in=k’àaba’.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   Juan(B3SG)  A1SG=name</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   ‘My name is Juan.’</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">          b.       In=k’àaba’=e’,        Juan.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   A1SG=name=TOP Juan(B3SG)</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   ‘As for my name, it is Juan’</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">          c.       Juan-en.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   Juan-B1SG</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   ‘I am Juan.’</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-US" style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">(2)      a.       *Le=kisin(=o’)-en.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-US" style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   
</span><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">DEF=devil=D2-B1SG</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   Intended: ‘I am the devil.’</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">          </span><span lang="ES-US" style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">b.       Le=kisin=o’          
<b>leti’</b>-en.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span lang="ES-US" style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                  
</span><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">DEF=devil=D2      <b>it</b>-B1SG</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                  ‘As for the devil, I’m him.’ (Tonhauser ms. p13)</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">(3)      a.       *Le=máaystra(=o’)           ts’a’                                 tèech=o’.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   DEF=teacher=D2(B3SG)  put/give(SUBJ)(B3SG)     you=D2</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   intended: ‘It was the teacher who gave it to you.’</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">          b.       <b>
Lete</b>=máaystra                          ts’a’                                 tèech=o’.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   <b>
it(B3SG):DEF</b>=teacher            put/give(SUBJ)(B3SG)     you=D2</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">                   ‘It was her, the teacher, who gave it to you.’ (Vapnarsky 2013: 77)</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">HTH! – Juergen</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Diessel, H. (1999). <i>
Demonstratives: Form, function, and grammaticalization.</i> Amsterdam: Benjamins.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span lang="DE" style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Jelinek, E. & R. A. Demers.
</span><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">(1994). Predicates and Pronominal Arguments in Straits Salish Language.
<i>Language 70</i>(4): 697-736. </span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Launey, M. (2004a). The features of omnipredicativity in Classical Nahuatl.
<i>STUF - Language Typology and Universals</i> 57(1). 49–69. </span><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""><a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1524/stuf.2004.57.1.49/html" originalsrc="https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1524/stuf.2004.57.1.49/html">https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1524/stuf.2004.57.1.49/html</a>.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Stassen, L. (2003<sup>2</sup> [1997]).
<i>Intransitive predication. </i>Oxford: Oxford University Press.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Tonhauser, J. (Ms). The syntax and semantics of Yucatec Mayan focus constructions. Manuscript, University of Stuttgart.</span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif"">Vapnarsky, V. (2013). Is Yucatec an omnipredicative language? Predication, the copula, and focus constructions.
<i>Sprachtypologie und Universalienforschung 66</i>(1): 40-86.</span><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""></span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-family:"CMU Serif""> </span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:9.0pt; font-family:Helvetica; color:black">Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)<br>
Professor, Department of Linguistics<br>
University at Buffalo <br>
<br>
Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus<br>
Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260 <br>
Phone: (716) 645 0127 <br>
Fax: (716) 645 3825<br>
Email: </span><span style="font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><a href="mailto:jb77@buffalo.edu" title="mailto:jb77@buffalo.edu"><span style="font-size:9.0pt; font-family:Helvetica; color:#0078D4">jb77@buffalo.edu</span></a></span><span style="font-size:9.0pt; font-family:Helvetica; color:black"><br>
Web: </span><span style="font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><a href="http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/" originalsrc="http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/" title="http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/"><span style="font-size:9.0pt; font-family:Helvetica; color:#0563C1">http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/</span></a></span><span style="font-size:9.0pt; font-family:Helvetica; color:black"> <br>
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</span><span style="font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif; color:black">Office hours Tu/Th 3:30-4:30pm in 642 Baldy or via Zoom (Meeting ID 585 520 2411; Passcode Hoorheh) </span><span style="font-size:9.0pt; font-family:Helvetica; color:black"><br>
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There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In <br>
(Leonard Cohen)  </span><span style="font-size:11.0pt; font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"></span></p>
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<b><span style="color:black">From: </span></b><span style="color:black">Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org> on behalf of Alex Francois via Lingtyp <lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org><br>
<b>Date: </b>Friday, September 5, 2025 at 14:44<br>
<b>To: </b>Abigail Roberts <asroberts@berkeley.edu><br>
<b>Cc: </b>lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org <lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org><br>
<b>Subject: </b>Re: [Lingtyp] Split in copulas co-occurring with nominals?</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Dear Abby,</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Thanks for an interesting query.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">The majority of Oceanic (Austronesian) languages are omnipredicative, i.e. they form their predicates without a copula, whether that predicate is headed by an adjective,
 a locative phrase (as in your prepositional example), or a noun, a pronoun, a numeral...</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">In that sense, the first two examples you gave for Nukuoro are rather typical of the Oceanic family.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Oceanic languages with a copula for nominal predicates are less frequent, but they do exist:  e.g. several languages of Central Vanuatu (Lewo, Nafsan, Lelepa...)
 have a verbal copula for nouns.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Now Nukuoro is even more original in having two copulas!  This is rare in Oceanic languages, but not unknown. </span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Andrew Pawley has shown that
<b>Wayan Fijian</b> (one of the varieties of Fijian) is such a language:</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Ascriptive predicates take a copula
<i>tia</i>:</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">(1)   
</span><span style="font-family:"Cambria Math",serif">⟨</span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Ei
<b>tia </b>qasenivuli</span><span style="font-family:"Cambria Math",serif">⟩</span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif"> o Tevita.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Arial Narrow",sans-serif">3sg:NPST <b>be:ASCR</b> teacher PERS (name)</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">‘Tevita is a teacher.’</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Equative predicates take the copula
<i>ni‑</i>:</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">(2)   
</span><span style="font-family:"Cambria Math",serif">⟨</span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Ei
<b>ni</b>‑a na qasenivuli</span><span style="font-family:"Cambria Math",serif">⟩</span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif"> o Tevita.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Arial Narrow",sans-serif">3sg</span>:<span style="font-family:"Arial Narrow",sans-serif">NPST</span> <span style="font-family:"Arial Narrow",sans-serif"> <b>be:EQUAT‑</b>3sg ART teacher
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">‘Tevita is the teacher.’</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">I believe the two copulas of Wayan Fijian match closely what you find in Nukuoro.  Indeed, </span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in; text-indent:-.25in"><span style="font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Symbol"><span style="mso-list:Ignore">·<span style="font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"">        
</span></span></span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">what you called "indefinite nominal predicates" correspond to what are sometimes called <i>ascriptive predicates</i> <br>
- where the subject is ascribed a (nominal) property  [e.g. 'X is a teacher']. <br>
  </span></p>
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</span></span></span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">what you labelled "definite or referential nominals" are also known as
<i>equative</i> <i>predicates <br>
</i>- where the subject is equated with a pre-identified referent [e.g. 'X is the teacher'].</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">The examples I cited for Wayan Fijian come from Pawley (2000: 312) -- see ref below.  I cited them in an upcoming paper of mine (François f/c) on non-verbal predicates
 in Oceanic languages, where I used the categories "ascriptive" and "equative".</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Closer to Nukuoro,
<b>Tahitian </b>uses <i>e</i> for ascriptive predicates, but <i>'o</i> for equatives (see discussion in my paper). These examples are from Lazard & Peltzer (1991):</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">(3)   < <b>e</b>   faehau>  tera ta'ata.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Arial Narrow",sans-serif">ASCR soldier         that  person</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">'That man <is a soldier>.'  [ASCRIPTIVE]</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">(4)   < <b>'o</b>   tera ta'ata> tō matou paoti.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Arial Narrow",sans-serif"> EQUAT  that person       ART:Poss 1exc:Pl boss</span><span style="font-family:"Arial",sans-serif"></span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">'Our boss <is that man>.'  [EQUATIVE]</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">The particles
<i>e</i> and <i>'o</i> of Tahitian are cognate with Nukuoro <i>se</i> and <i>go</i>, respectively (PPN *se, *ko).  A similar system can be found in other Polynesian languages.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">______<br>
References:</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in; text-indent:-.25in"><span style="font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Symbol"><span style="mso-list:Ignore">·<span style="font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"">        
</span></span></span><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">François, Alexandre. (f/c) Non-verbal predicates in Oceanic languages. In Pier Marco Bertinetto, Luca Ciucci, & Denis Creissels (eds), <i>Non-verbal predication in the world’s languages: A typological
 survey</i>. (Comparative Handbooks of Linguistics 9.) Berlin: DeGruyter.<span class="x_gmaildefault">  [<a href="https://marama.huma-num.fr/data/AlexFrancois_2024_Non-verbal-predication_Oceanic_preprint.pdf" originalsrc="https://marama.huma-num.fr/data/AlexFrancois_2024_Non-verbal-predication_Oceanic_preprint.pdf" target="_blank">preprint</a>]</span></span><span style="font-family:"Arial",sans-serif"></span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in; text-indent:-.25in"><span style="font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Symbol"><span style="mso-list:Ignore">·<span style="font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"">        
</span></span></span><span class="x_gmaildefault"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Lazard, Gilbert & Louise Peltzer. 1991.
<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/3623158.pdf?casa_token=Cw-1YjfaWZEAAAAA:BO2F-Wg3Ca9cFJcUIgejMsfcXocUHHevozObMz4-0xV5rgC4FK7TWpsZsLrC0MfM_gpNPzDYVI0HdC4Jbk4Ler-TwlcX4w7hqhlhjEx2JGF5CQpf9Kc" originalsrc="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/3623158.pdf?casa_token=Cw-1YjfaWZEAAAAA:BO2F-Wg3Ca9cFJcUIgejMsfcXocUHHevozObMz4-0xV5rgC4FK7TWpsZsLrC0MfM_gpNPzDYVI0HdC4Jbk4Ler-TwlcX4w7hqhlhjEx2JGF5CQpf9Kc">
Predicates in Tahitian</a>. <i>Oceanic Linguistics</i> 30(1). 1</span></span><span class="x_gmaildefault"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">‒</span></span><span class="x_gmaildefault"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">31.</span></span><span style="font-family:"Arial",sans-serif"></span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:1.0in; text-indent:-.25in"><span style="font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Symbol"><span style="mso-list:Ignore">·<span style="font:7.0pt "Times New Roman"">        
</span></span></span><span class="x_gmaildefault"><span style="font-family:"Georgia",serif">Pawley, Andrew. 2000.
<a href="https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/server/api/core/bitstreams/9ca7fa43-a845-4930-8b77-3008c5966d46/content" originalsrc="https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/server/api/core/bitstreams/9ca7fa43-a845-4930-8b77-3008c5966d46/content">
Two be’s or not two be’s? On the copulas of Wayan Fijian</a>. In Bill Palmer & Paul A. Geraghty (eds.), <i>Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Oceanic Linguistics (SICOL), vol. 2, Historical and descriptive studies</i>, 297–314. (Pacific Linguistics
 505). Canberra: Australian National University. </span></span><span style="font-family:"Arial",sans-serif"></span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Just like you, I'd be curious to hear whether there are other parts of the world where such systems can be found, with two nominal copulas, one for equatives vs.
 one for ascriptives.</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span class="x_gmaildefault"><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">regards,</span></span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">Alex</span></p>
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<p style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif; color:#45818E">Alex François</span><span style="font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif"></span></p>
<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-size:7.5pt; font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif"><a href="http://www.lattice.cnrs.fr/en/alexandre-francois/" originalsrc="http://www.lattice.cnrs.fr/en/alexandre-francois/" target="_blank"><span style="text-decoration:none">LaTTiCe</span></a> — <a href="https://www.cnrs.fr/en" originalsrc="https://www.cnrs.fr/en" target="_blank" title="ENS"><span style="color:#3366CC; text-decoration:none">CNRS</span></a>
</span><a href="https://www.cnrs.fr/en" originalsrc="https://www.cnrs.fr/en" target="_blank" title="ENS"><span style="font-size:7.5pt; font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif; color:#3366CC; text-decoration:none">—</span></a><span style="font-size:7.5pt; font-family:"Verdana",sans-serif">
<a href="https://www.ens.fr/laboratoire/lattice-langues-textes-traitements-informatiques-et-cognition-umr-8094" originalsrc="https://www.ens.fr/laboratoire/lattice-langues-textes-traitements-informatiques-et-cognition-umr-8094" target="_blank" title="ENS">
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in"><span style="font-size:7.5pt">_________________________________________</span></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">---------- Forwarded message ---------<br>
From: <strong><span style="font-family:"Aptos",sans-serif">Abigail Roberts via Lingtyp</span></strong> <<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>><br>
Date: Fri, 5 Sept 2025 at 18:53<br>
Subject: [Lingtyp] Split in copulas co-occurring with nominals?<br>
To: <<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>></p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Hello all,</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">I'm wondering if anyone is aware of any languages with a particular distribution of copulas. I'm researching non-verbal clauses in Nukuoro, a Polynesian Outlier language spoken in Micronesia. In Nukuoro, only
 non-verbal sentences with two nominals (i.e., predicative clauses with nominal predicates and equative and identificational clauses) include copulas. Sentences with prepositional or adjectival predicates do not:</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Adjectival</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Emily e looloa, gai a Noa e bodobodo. </p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Emily ipfv tall, then pn Noa ipfv short<br>
'Emily is tall, but Noa is short.' (Drummond 2023:92)<br>
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Prepositional<br>
D-ogu daina daane i lote hale. <br>
def-1sg.gen.o sibling male loc inside house<br>
'My brother is inside the house.'</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">However, in non-verbal sentences with two nominals, different copulas are used depending on whether the sentence is predicative (generally, indefinite predicates) or not.</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Predicative</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Ia <b>se </b>gauligi suguulu.<br>
3sg <a href="http://cop.sg/" originalsrc="http://cop.sg/" target="_blank">cop.sg</a> child school<br>
'S/he is a student.' </p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Equative</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">De henua naa <b>go </b>Pohnpei.<br>
det island med cop.foc Pohnpei<br>
'That island is Pohnpei.'</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Does anyone know of a language with a similar pattern of copularization- one copula for indefinite nominal predicates/predicative clauses and one for definite or referential nominals? </p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Thank you all for your help!</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">All the best,</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">Abby Roberts</p>
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<p class="x_MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in">(PhD student, UC Berkeley)</p>
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