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<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">There is a little studied, but admittedly marginal, phenomenon in German which could be considered pro-drop (but see a few remarks in Haberland and Heltoft 1992). Consider this question–answer pair:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="DE">Was macht Claudia? Ø isst eine Pizza.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">(literally: What is Claudia doing? Ø is eating a pizza.)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Now for me, this works perfectly also without a first person subject:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="DE">Was machst du? Ø esse eine Pizza.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">but not without a second person subject:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="DE">Was mache ich? Ø isst eine Pizza.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Now one could say that this is because of the syncretism between 2<sup>nd</sup> and 3<sup>rd</sup> person present indicative singular forms of verbs with stems ending in [s], [z] or [ʃ] (as
<i>essen</i> (as well as <i>mixen</i>), <i>lessen</i> and <i>mischen</i>), which have
<i>-t</i> rather than <i>-st</i> in the 2<sup>nd</sup> person singular (for phonetic reasons).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">But even for verbs with stems not ending in sibilants [s], [z] or [ʃ], an omitted 2<sup>nd</sup> person subject sounds at least doubtful to me:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="DE">Wo bin ich? *<sup>/?</sup>Ø bist in der Küche.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">(Where am I? Are in the kitchen.)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Here there is no syncretism in the verb that could block the omission of the subject.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Even in the plural:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="DE">Wo sind wir? *<sup>/?</sup> Ø seid in der Küche.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">A possible explanation is that the reason could be the awkwardness of the question in the first place: people normally know where they are, what they are eating etc. and do not normally have to ask somebody else to tell
them. So here the explanation would be pragmatics, not phonetics.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Hartmut Haberland<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US">Hartmut Haberland and Lars Heltoft 1992. Universals, explanations and pragmatics.
</span><span lang="EN-GB">In: Michel Kefer and Johan van der Auwera, eds. <i>Grammar and meaning.</i> Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 17-26<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span lang="EN-US"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif">Fra:</span></b><span style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"> Lingtyp <lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org>
<b>På vegne af </b>Omri Amiraz via Lingtyp<br>
<b>Sendt:</b> 30. oktober 2025 09:24<br>
<b>Til:</b> Mira Ariel <mariel@tauex.tau.ac.il>; Juergen Bohnemeyer <jb77@buffalo.edu><br>
<b>Cc:</b> lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org<br>
<b>Emne:</b> Re: [Lingtyp] Partial pro-drop<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
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<p>Dear Juergen and Mira,<o:p></o:p></p>
<p>It is certainly true that SAPs tend to be more accessible. However, we’re approaching this from a variationist perspective, focusing on speakers’ choices in contexts where the referent is already accessible, rather than across all clause types. In that sense,
the alternation we’re interested in is essentially between independent pronouns and zero (possibly in combination with verbal subject marking).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p>I’m not sure that information structure alone can account for the obligatory use of subject pronouns in these cases. For instance, in Hebrew past tense clauses, the independent pronoun does not add any information beyond what is already encoded by verbal
agreement. So I don’t really understand why it is used, except in cases of focus or contrast, as Juergen mentioned.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p>I also agree that ambiguity avoidance might not be the main factor, though it may play a role in particular contexts and perhaps motivate broader developments.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p>Many thanks again for the references!<o:p></o:p></p>
<p>Best,<br>
Omri<o:p></o:p></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal">On Thu, Oct 30, 2025 at 4:59<span style="font-family:"Arial",sans-serif"> </span>AM Mira Ariel <<a href="mailto:mariel@tauex.tau.ac.il" target="_blank">mariel@tauex.tau.ac.il</a>> wrote:<o:p></o:p></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41">Hi Omri,</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<ol start="1" type="1">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color:#0A2F41;mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;mso-list:l0 level1 lfo1">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">I agree with Juergen. Since SAPs tend to be more accessible their coding is shorter (High accessibility > shorter referential forms). This is why they are more often either 0 marked or else their
pronouns are cliticized, sometimes leading to the rise of agreement markers for 1<sup>st</sup>/2<sup>nd</sup> persons only on the verb. This explains the findings for Hebrew, I suggested. See:
</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></li></ol>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41">1998. Three grammaticalization paths for the development of person verbal agreement in Hebrew. In: Discourse
and cognition: Bridging the gap, edited by J.-P. Koenig. CSLI Publications </span>
<span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41">2000. The development of person agreement markers: From pronouns to higher accessibility markers. In:
Usage-based models of language, edited by M. Barlow and S. Kemmer</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<ol start="2" type="1">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color:#0A2F41;mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;mso-list:l2 level1 lfo2">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">In my experience, avoiding ambiguity is not a very strong motivation for language change, because context does miracles. Maybe not in the case of I versus you versus 3rd person?
</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></li></ol>
<p><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<ol start="3" type="1">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="color:#0A2F41;mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto;mso-list:l1 level1 lfo3">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">There is no reason to think that a single factor explains all 0/pronoun alternations in all languages.
</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></li></ol>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41">Best,</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41">Mira (Ariel)</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:#0A2F41"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif">From:</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"> Lingtyp
<<a href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>>
<b>On Behalf Of </b>Juergen Bohnemeyer via Lingtyp<br>
<b>Sent:</b> Wednesday, October 29, 2025 10:04 PM<br>
<b>To:</b> Omri Amiraz <<a href="mailto:Omri.Amiraz@mail.huji.ac.il" target="_blank">Omri.Amiraz@mail.huji.ac.il</a>>;
<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a><br>
<b>Subject:</b> Re: [Lingtyp] Partial pro-drop</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">Dear Omri et al. — I might look at this from a slightly different perspective. Suppose you change the question as follows:</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">‘Among indexes in pro-drop languages (i.e., languages in which co-nominals are syntactically optional), indexes of which person are more/less
frequently accompanied by a co-nominal?’</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">If you put it like that, it seems rather obvious to me that the answer is that SAP indexes are less frequently accompanied by co-nominals.
Why? Because SAPs are inherently maximally accessible, whereas non-SAPs may or may not be accessible - a significant percentage of them is even indefinite. </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">Plus, in many languages (or so it seems to me), there aren’t even great choices for nominals to accompany SAP indexes. One might use independent
pronouns, but only in contexts in which this makes sense, such as for contrastive topics and under focus.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">I can’t think of a good reference for this off the top of my head. Not too many authors have looked at argument realization in strictly head-marking
languages, and those that have, like Bohnemeyer & Tilbe (2021), didn’t break down results by person. Sorry.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">Best — Juergen</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">Bohnemeyer, J. & T. J. Tilbe. (2021). Argument realization and discourse status in Yucatec, a purely head-marking language.
<i>Amerindia</i> 43: 249-289.</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<div id="m_1585357538513293180m_7249811314040282546ms-outlook-mobile-signature">
<p style="margin:0cm"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:black">Juergen Bohnemeyer (He/Him)<br>
Professor, Department of Linguistics<br>
University at Buffalo <br>
<br>
Office: 642 Baldy Hall, UB North Campus<br>
Mailing address: 609 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260 <br>
Phone: (716) 645 0127 <br>
Fax: (716) 645 3825<br>
Email: </span><u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:#0078D4"><a href="mailto:jb77@buffalo.edu" target="_blank" title="mailto:jb77@buffalo.edu"><span style="color:#0078D4">jb77@buffalo.edu</span></a></span></u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:black"><br>
Web: </span><u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:#0563C1"><a href="http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/" target="_blank" title="http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/"><span style="color:#0563C1">http://www.acsu.buffalo.edu/~jb77/</span></a></span></u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:black"> <br>
<br>
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif;color:black">Office hours Tu/Th 3:30-4:30pm in 642 Baldy or via Zoom (Meeting ID 585 520 2411; Passcode Hoorheh) </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:9.0pt;font-family:"Helvetica",sans-serif;color:black"><br>
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There’s A Crack In Everything - That’s How The Light Gets In <br>
(Leonard Cohen) </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="margin:0cm"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif">-- </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p style="margin:0cm"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"> </span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;margin-bottom:12.0pt"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">From:
</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="color:black">Lingtyp <<a href="mailto:lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp-bounces@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>> on behalf of Omri Amiraz via Lingtyp <<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>><br>
<b>Date: </b>Wednesday, October 29, 2025 at 11:38<br>
<b>To: </b><a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a> <<a href="mailto:lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org" target="_blank">lingtyp@listserv.linguistlist.org</a>><br>
<b>Subject: </b>[Lingtyp] Partial pro-drop</span><span lang="EN-US"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span lang="EN-US">Dear colleagues,<br>
<br>
We are conducting a study on the inverse correlation between the frequency of pro-drop (omission of the subject argument) and syncretism in verbal subject-marking paradigms.<br>
<br>
We are particularly interested in partial pro-drop languages, where subject omission is restricted to certain persons or other grammatical conditions. For example, in Hebrew, pro-drop is fairly common in the past tense for first and second person, but relatively
rare for third person. This is puzzling, since the past-tense paradigm in Hebrew shows no syncretism, so it is unclear why the third-person pronoun cannot generally be omitted as well.<br>
<br>
We would greatly appreciate your input on the following points:<br>
<br>
1. Are you aware of other languages that exhibit partial pro-drop?<br>
We are currently aware of Hebrew, Finnish, Yiddish, Brazilian Portuguese, and Russian. This might point to an areal phenomenon, so examples from other areas would be especially valuable.<br>
<br>
2. In the languages you are familiar with, does third person indeed tend to be the least likely to allow pro-drop?<br>
If so, are you aware of any proposed explanations for this asymmetry?<br>
<br>
Many thanks in advance for your insights,<br>
Yiming and Omri<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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