16.1718, Review: Semantics/Syntax/East Asian Lang: Hole (2004)

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Subject: 16.1718, Review: Semantics/Syntax/East Asian Lang: Hole (2004)

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1)
Date: 31-May-2005
From: Shiao Wei Tham < thamsw at gmail.com >
Subject: Focus and Background Marking in Mandarin Chinese 

	
-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Tue, 31 May 2005 03:27:45
From: Shiao Wei Tham < thamsw at gmail.com >
Subject: Focus and Background Marking in Mandarin Chinese 
 

AUTHOR: Hole, Daniel
TITLE: Focus and Background Marking in Mandarin Chinese
SUBTITLE: System and Theory behind cai, jiu, dou and ye
SERIES: RoutledgeCurzon Asian Linguistics Series
PUBLISHER: Routledge (Taylor and Francis)
YEAR: 2004
Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/15/15-627.html


Shiao Wei Tham, Asian School I, Defense Language Institute Foreign
Language Centre, Monterey, CA.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I am grateful to Daniel Hole and Peter Sells for their help with this 
review.  Any errors are of course, my responsibility.

INTRODUCTION

Focus and Background Marking in Mandarin Chinese is an extremely 
comprehensive, detailed, and highly convincing study of four of the most 
elusive words in Mandarin that continually frustrate second-language 
learners and linguists alike.  CAI, JIU, DOU, and YE occur in sentences 
with a range of interpretations, including "ONLY", "EVEN", and other less 
directly describable readings. This study provides individual analyses of 
each of these words, then synthesises them into a coherent system of focus-
background marking in terms of quantification over alternatives in a focus-
background structure.

In providing an overarching systemic analysis of focus-background marking, 
this study is no longer an analysis of individual focus marking words in a 
particular language, but rather yields predictions on possible analogous 
systems in other languages, and on the kinds of information structural 
relationships that may be lexicalized across languages.  The study makes 
dexterous use of up-to-date findings from formal semantics, couched in 
precise, highly readable prose, but with minimal formal notation, 
combining insightful theoretical proposals with copious amounts of data, 
detailed analysis, and careful empirical motivation.  As a result, this 
book is not only a valuable reference for researchers of Mandarin Chinese, 
but would also be of interest to theoretical linguists with varying 
degrees of affinity towards formal semantics.  

OVERVIEW

To give an idea of the complexity and depth of the study, I first provide 
a brief glimpse into the range of meanings associated with CAI, JIU, DOU, 
and YE.  CAI and JIU feature in a range of sentences with seemingly 
diverse meanings: for instance, CAI in (1) is interpreted as suggesting 
that Xiao Wang came rather late, yet in (2) it is interpreted as 
suggesting that 8 o'clock is early for now, which appears somewhat 
contradictory.  CAI also occurs in sentences containing ONLY-foci (3).

(1) 
Xiao Wang ba dian   CAI lai 
Xiao Wang 8 o'clock CAI come 
Xiao Wang came only at 8 o'clock. 

(2) 
xianzai CAI  ba dian
now     only eight o'clock
It's only 8 o'clock.

(3) 
Lao Wang zhiyou cha CAI he  
Lao Wang only   tea CAI drink 
Lao Wang drinks only tea.

The meaning of JIU is similarly difficult to pin down: indeed, it  
sometimes seems untranslatable: while one might try to translate JIU 
with "then" in (4), it is not clear what JIU in (5) would correspond to.  
The author notes that this translation gap is not specific to English, but 
is also true of other "common European languages".

(4) 
Ruguo tianqi  hao, wo JIU qu 
if    weather good I  JIU go 
If the weather is good, I will go there.

(5) 
Women zai zher JIU neng wanr 
we    at  here JIU can  play 
We can play here.

In contrast, the interpretation of DOU and YE sentences is more obvious: 
these items appear in sentences with a meaning of EVEN (6). Yet it is 
hardly obvious what effect DOU and YE achieve by their presence.

(6) 
Lian Lao Wang DOU/YE lai. 
even Lao Wang DOU/YE come 
Even Lao Wang came.

The puzzling aspects of these words have not gone unnoticed, of course, 
and many researchers have studied them in different combinations and to 
varying degrees.  Convention links CAI with JIU (for reasons to be 
discussed below) (Biq 1984, 1988, Lai 1999); DOU is often studied in the 
context of EVEN-sentences (e.g. Shyu 1995), although the author notes that 
YE is relatively under-studied.  Even where all of these words have been 
studied (the author cites Alleton 1972), however, no attempt has been made 
to relate these four words into a system of items that could be mutually 
complementary or conflicting.  The current work provides a largely 
successful proposal for just such a synthesis.  As a result, its 
conclusions raise implications for focus-background marking devices across 
languages, and are not limited in relevance to Chinese linguistics per se.

This study treats CAI, JIU, DOU and YE (henceforth CJDY) as information 
structure devices that indicate particular relationships between the focus 
and the background of a sentence.  CJDY are called "parametric words" as 
they are proposed to involve a choice among alternatives.  The author 
places these four words within a paradigm of focus-background marking that 
forms a quantificational square.  A major innovation of this study is the 
proposal that CJDY are agreement words: they indicate (but do not bring 
about) particular focus-background configurations.  The viability of focus-
background agreement aside (and the author cites Yukagir as an example of 
a language with such a system), the claim that Mandarin contains agreement 
particles is controversial in itself, given the 'isolating' nature of the 
language and the paucity of morphological devices. Whether agreement 
analysis is correct or not, however, the observation that these markers 
reflect, rather than create, specific focus-background relations, seems 
astute and accurate.

Below, I provide a summary of each of the six chapters in the book, then 
follow up with an evaluation section.

CHAPTER-BY-CHAPTER SUMMARY

The first is a brief introductory chapter giving a cursory overview of the 
phenomena to be dealt with, and provides an organization of the following 
chapters (2-6).  The main analysis is found in chapters 3 and 4.  Four 
distinct focus marking words are discussed, so each of chapters 3 and 4 is 
divided into at least three major sections dealing with them relatively 
independently.  The first two sections are devoted to CAI and JIU 
respectively.  Because the uses of parametric DOU and YE overlap to a 
large extent, discussion of these two items falls into the same section, 
which is the third major section.  In addition, chapter 4 contains a 
fourth major section drawing these different threads into a paradigm of 
focus marking devices in Mandarin that unites these four words as part of 
a system.

Chapter 2 distinguishes parametric from other uses of CAI, JIU, DOU and YE 
(henceforth CJDY). It is a very important chapter that delineates the 
senses of CJDY to be dealt with in the rest of the book, separating these 
from various other meanings associated with CJDY, and in so doing, it 
imposes a clarity and organisation on the CJDY terrain hitherto unseen in 
previous literature. Each of the various use types of CJDY is considered 
in an independent section in chapter 2. This discussion yields a few 
rather surprising conclusions, such as the proposal that the sense of 
ONLY, which both CAI and JIU are associated with, is one of the parametric 
uses of CAI, and thus part of the book's concern, but not for JIU, and 
thus outside the purview of the book.  Although surprising, this 
conclusion is convincingly argued for via intonational, distributional, 
and information structural properties of JIU to express a meaning of ONLY 
(called the 'focusing' use of JIU), that contrasts with corresponding 
properties of parametric CJDY.  Section 2.5 then argues for identifying a 
PARAMETRIC use type for each of CJDY, based on two major criteria of 
obligatoriness and paradigmaticity.  It is argued that parametric CJDY are 
obligatorily realized in their sentence, whereas in their other uses, they 
are not obligatory in their sentence.  It is also proposed that CJDY form 
a semantically coherent paradigm of quantification over alternatives, each 
word constituting one corner of a quantificational square.  This 
second "criterion" is really the entire proposal laid out in chapter 4.  
To argue for the existence of parametric CJDY based on an analysis of 
these items as a paradigm of parametric words smacks somewhat of 
circularity, but it is possible to view this assertion as a manifesto 
rather than an argument and to treat the existence of a class of 
parametric CJDY as a working assumption without affecting the progress of 
the rest of the book, so no real harm is done.

Chapter 3 takes on the difficult task of capturing the conditions under 
which CAI, JIU, DOU, and YE are obligatorily used or disallowed, although 
the main aim of the chapter, as noted below, is to argue for the analysis 
of CJDY as agreement markers that indicate agreement between specific 
information structural categories and a background. For each of CJDY, the 
chapter carefully details (i) the relative position of the information 
structural category (usually a focus, although in the case of JIU a 
contrastive topic is also possible) that interacts with CJDY; (ii) the 
type of focus (e.g. 'only' focus or 'even' focus) that each of CJDY is 
associated with; and (iii) how CJDY interacts with quantificational 
expressions. The chapter ends (section 3.4) with a discussion of the 
problem of categorizing CJDY.  The author notes that CJDY have been 
treated in various ways in the existing literature, e.g. as adverbs (e.g., 
Li and Thompson 1981, Paris 1981, 1985), focus particles or focusing 
adverbs (e.g. Biq 1988), and as functional heads (e.g. Shyu 1995), but 
often with reservations by the relevant authors. Hole points out empirical 
and conceptual problems with each of these treatments, thereby laying out 
the groundwork for the agreement analysis of CJDY.

Before proceeding to chapter 4, it should be mentioned that chapter 3 
could be frustrating for some syntacticians (as the author himself notes, 
p49), as many descriptive generalizations as to word order in CJDY 
constructions and their interaction with information structure are laid 
out without being given an explicit syntactic analysis.  On the other 
hand, the generalizations are presented with extremely clarity and stated 
with great precision, so that this theoretical agnosticism does not affect 
the main analysis, which is after all semantic and pragmatic, rather than 
syntactic, and indeed, provides a useful database for potential syntactic 
analyses.

The meat of the analysis (and thus the book) lies in chapter 4, which 
provides not only individual analyses for CJDY, but also a synthesis of 
these four items into a focus-marking system which forms a paradigm of 
quantification over "contextually-relevant" alternatives.  Within this 
system, the quantificational properties of CJDY make up a quantificational 
square: CAI reflects negated existential quantification over the domain of 
alternatives (no alternative will yield a true sentence); JIU reflects 
negated universal quantification over alternatives (some alternative will 
not yield a true sentence); DOU reflects universal quantification over 
alternatives (all alternatives true), and finally YE reflects existential 
quantification over alternatives (some alternative true).  The chapter 
draws together the individual analyses of CJDY into a paradigm of focus 
quantification.  As noted above, the four types of focus quantification 
indicated by CJDY are related via a quantificational square.  The rest of 
this section demonstrates some of the predictions made by this paradigm 
about the logical relationships between CJDY sentences (e.g. because of 
their proposed quantificational properties, JIU (NOT ALL) forms a 
contradiction with DOU (ALL)).  The final section of this chapter save for 
the summary looks briefly at two other parametric words HAI and ZAI, more 
as a foil to the proposed system, and as an indication of potential 
extensions to the paradigm, than as an actual part of the analysis.

Chapter 5 completes the picture by discussing issues of syntactic 
structure and semantic scope relations.  It contains first, a solution for 
a mismatch between the semantic scope of modals with universal 
quantification force (i.e. "must") that have wide scope semantically, but 
occur in a syntactically subordinate position in CAI sentences.  The 
solution takes the shape of an unconventional mapping from semantics to 
syntax: essentially, it allows the restrictor in a quantificational 
structure to map to a subordinate position while the nuclear scope maps to 
a matrix position.  The author then takes on a relatively understudied 
class of CAI and JIU sentences which encode an evaluation of the 
desirability of affairs (e.g. zhe yang CAI dui 'this style CAI right': 
roughly "it's only correct if (done in) this way"; zhe yang JIU dui 
le 'this style JIU right ASP: roughly "that's right".  These sentences are 
described as providing a modal ordering on a set of worlds.  A third task 
of the chapter contrasts the  multiply ambiguous English sentence "Three 
people can move the piano" to the counterparts of each of its 
intepretations in Mandarin.  It is argued that each reading in English is 
encoded by a different construction in Mandarin, distinguished by the use 
of different parametric words (either CAI or JIU).  Finally, the author 
takes the analysis of CJDY a step further by considering the combinations 
of two different parametric words in the same sentence.

Chapter 6, the concluding chapter, places the analysis of CJDY within the 
wider context of focus marking in Mandarin, contrasting the position of 
focus in CJDY sentences (typically pre-verbal), to the canonical post-
verbal position of focus in other sentences.  It also traces a potential 
historical source for CJDY-style focus agreement marking to contact with 
Manchu.

EVALUATION

This study provides a comprehensive, insightful, and responsible scrutiny 
on information structure and semantics in Mandarin grammar, completed by a 
careful consideration of the syntax-semantics interface.  The system of 
focus-background marking proposed raises typological implications for the 
possibilities of analagous systems in other languages.  Below, I raise 
three points about the book that the reader might wish to be aware of, and 
then proceed to a slightly more in-depth discussion of potential 
shortcomings in the analyses.  This discussion may perhaps be of greater 
interest to researchers/speakers of Mandarin.

First, one notable aspect of the book is the important role given to 
intonational factors in delineating sentence interpretations.  Almost all 
example sentences contain an indication of where intonational prominence 
falls.  In some cases, the intonational contour has the effect of 
excluding certain readings.  This is especially the case in the discussion 
of JIU, and the native speaker reader should keep this point in mind when 
sentence interpretations begin to appear rather too restrictive (e.g. p148 
ex.48).

Second, it is somewhat surprising that there is no clear definition of the 
term "parametric", given its importance in the study.  The closest to an 
independent definition is that of Biq's (1984), from where the term is 
adopted (p.13 fn.1).  On the other hand, there is sufficient descriptive 
criteria that these parametric uses can be clearly identified, and if we 
accept the major claims of the analysis, these parametric words do not 
have any easily statable meaning but rely on the information structure of 
the sentences they occur in for their "meaning".

Third, a brief note about the data is in order.  This study provides vast 
amounts of data, many which are attested, or adapted from attested data.  
Elicited data is used, but not overwhelmingly, and the majority of 
relevant examples are in agreement with my own judgements. I simply wish 
to point out that various examples are taken from earlier works and thus 
appear somewhat dated or stilted (e.g. p31 ex.52c would have been much 
improved by adding an aspect marker GUO to both verbs in the sentence, but 
this example is presumably adapted from a naturally-occurring source).  
There are also occasional (very occasional) cases in which the data are 
slightly inaccurate.  But these are only very minor infelicities (some are 
simply tone marking inaccuracies), and none of the very few inaccuracies 
affect the argument they are intended to make.  For instance, ex.31 on 
p135 is, for myself, infelicitous because of the presence of RUGUO 'if' in 
the conditional clause, but the sentence would be perfect without RUGUO. 
Both in ex.31 and in the parallel ex.30, RUGUO may be removed without 
affecting the judgements and the argument at hand.  A rather more 
potentially confusing typo is found on p165 (the first paragraph), in the 
discussion of two contexts for ex.70.  In this paragraph, Context 1 and 
Context 2 should be substituted for one another.

Below, I discuss the analyses of CAI and JIU in a little detail. Among the 
analyses of CJDY, the treatments of DOU and YE are relatively 
uncontroversial. This is in part because DOU shares the same shape as the 
distributive marker in sentences containing universal quantification, and 
YE corresponds in form to an adverb meaning "also", that it seems 
relatively unsurprising for DOU to be associated with universal 
quantification and YE with existential quantification.  The author takes 
pains, however, to show that parametric DOU is distinct from distributive 
DOU.  Moreover, parametric YE is also treated differently from the YE that 
means "also", called "focusing YE" (p42-44).

The analyses of CAI and JIU deserve greater attention partly because their 
meanings, or at least the meanings of their non-parametric counterparts, 
are far less easily statable than those of YE and DOU. In previous works, 
analyses of CAI and JIU have been to a great extent intertwined, because 
they seem to be synonymous in some contexts, and strangely antonymous in 
others.  For instance, both appear to mean "only" in (7), but while CAI in 
(8) suggests that the leaving at 8 is felt to be later than expected, JIU 
in (9) suggests that this event is earlier than expected.  To add to 
further confusion, CAI also seems to have another interpretation similar 
to JIU in (9), exemplified by (10) below.

(7) 
Wo CAI/JIU he    le  liang bei  cha. 
I  CAI/JIU drink ASP two   cups tea 
I only drank two cups of tea.

(8) 
Ta    ba dian   CAI zou 
(S)he 8 o'clock CAI come 
(S)he leaves only at 8 o'clock.

(9) 
Ta    ba dian   JIU zou 
(S)he 8 o'clock JIU leave 
(S)he leaves (immediately) at 8 o'clock.

(10) 
Xianzai CAI 8 dian. 
Now     CAI 8 o'clock 
It's only 8 o'clock now.

Earlier analyses (e.g. Biq 1988, Lai 1999) typically go to great lengths 
to unify these meanings, but the present work shows convincingly (chapter 
2) that JIU in (7) is distinct from JIU in (9), and that only JIU in (8) 
(but not in (7)) can be counted as "parametric", thus distinguishing 
further the uses of CAI and JIU, and imposing unprecedented clarity on 
their classifications.  With this new classification, the analyses of CAI 
and JIU are successfully extricated from one another.  Interestingly, CAI 
in (10) is unified with CAI in (8) --- this analysis of CAI with temporal 
phrases I find in particular to be the most convincing and complete, not 
only in this book, but also among previous work on CAI.  Much of the 
results of the proposed analysis of CAI are achieved from the precise 
definition of "contextually-relevant domain of alternatives".  This 
definition is based on the notion of an "eventuality bag", which is the 
set of (discourse-constrained) eventualities that have occurred up to the 
point in time at which a sentence is evaluated.  Exploiting this notion, 
the analysis treats temporal adverbials occurring with CAI as uniformly 
indicating an "until" interpretation, ingeniously unifying the apparently 
contradictory (8) and (10).  There is a slight shortcoming in the analysis 
of CAI sentences, however.  In conditional sentences, CAI has often been 
noted to be associated with expressing a necessary condition.  The 
analysis of conditional CAI sentences is based on a detailed compositional 
analysis of "only if" sentences that derives their semantics by first 
reversing restrictor/scope relations to a universally quantified sentence 
and applying existential quantification to this structure.  This part of 
the analysis is compositional and very explicitly laid out, but I would 
have found it more useful to see a clear link between conditional CAI 
sentences and temporal CAI sentences, and between conditional CAI 
sentences and the negated existential meaning claimed to be associated 
with CAI.

 The most challenging task in the book is presented by the analysis of 
JIU, which is also potentially the most controversial part of the proposed 
system.  JIU is argued to reflect "negated universal quantification" over 
contextually-relevant alternatives (i.e. at least one alternative to the 
focus will yield a false sentence). There are two aspects to the analysis 
of JIU that are potential complicating factors.  First, negated universal 
quantification (NOT ALL) takes up that corner of the quantificational 
square that is typically assumed to be non-lexicalized (potentially 
because its meaning is expressible by existential quantification combined 
with analytically encoded inner negation: EXIST NOT (Horn 1989/2001 
p252ff, Hole in press p8).  Second, JIU is also argued to interact not 
only with focus but also with a notion of contrastive topic.  The section 
on JIU does an admirable job of presenting evidence for both of these 
assumptions, especially in providing convincing examples and in yielding 
the correct prediction that JIU cannot occur with the focus marker 
LIAN "even", which the author suggests encodes universal quantification 
over alternatives and is thus directly contradictory to JIU.  I wish to 
point out, however, that the analysis of JIU, while in large part 
convincing, seems to miss one set of interpretations for JIU sentences.  
The problem is raised by an example such as (160) (p238), which has two 
possible interpretations.  One is that given by the author, and predicted 
by his account of JIU (see below).  The other, however, goes against the 
idea of negated universal quantification over alternatives.

(160) 
zai   ZHER women JIU neng wanr 
be.at here we    JIU can   play 
We can play here (there are places where we can't play)

In addition to the interpretation given, the sentence may also be 
interpreted as providing an exemplar for a universal generalization; i.e. 
it can be preceded by a statement of "we can play anywhere", to mean "here 
is one of the places we can play at", which seems to contradict the 
proposed hypothesis.  This is perhaps the only real empirical problem that 
one can point to in the entire book.  Even so, the analysis of JIU remains 
convincing for the examples cited towards it, and the prediction it makes 
concerning the incompatibility of LIAN and JIU is very attractive.  It is 
conceivable that the current analysis could be maintained for at least one 
set of JIU sentences, and the solution might ultimately lie in a non-
unified analysis of JIU.

CONCLUSION

To sum up, this is an outstanding piece of work that I would recommend 
both to Chinese linguists, and to linguists interested in information 
structure.  By postulating a coherent system of focus-background marking, 
and by positing CJDY as agreement words, the analysis underscores the core 
status of information structural factors in Mandarin grammar, converging 
with previous works such as La Polla (1995) and Li and Thompson (1976).

REFERENCES

Alleton, Viviane (1972).  Les adverbes en chinois moderne.  Den Haag & 
Paris: Mouton & Co.

Biq, Yung-O (1984).  The semantics and pragmatics of CAI and JIU in 
Mandarin Chinese.  Cornell University dissertation.

Biq, Yung-O (1988).  From focus in proposition to focus in speech 
situation: CAI and JIU in Mandarin Chinese.  Journal of Chinese 
Linguistics 16 (1), 72-108.

Downing, Pamela and Noonan, Michael eds. (1995).  Word order in discourse. 
Benjamins: Amsterdam.

von Heusinger, Klaus, Pregrin, Jaroslav, and Turner, Ken P. eds. (in 
press).  Where Semantics Meets Pragmatics.  Elsevier.

Hole, Daniel (in press) Mapping VPs to restrictors: anti-Diesing effects 
in Mandarin Chinese. In: Klaus von Heusinger, Jaroslav Peregrin & Ken P. 
Turner (eds.).

Horn, Laurence R. (1989/2001) A Natural History of Negation. CSLI 
Publications: Stanford, CA. Originally published: Chicago University 
Press: Chicago, 1989.

Lai, Huei-Ling (1999).  Rejected expectations: the two time-related scalar 
particles CAI and JIU in Mandarin Chinese.  Linguistics 37 (4), 625-51.

La Polla, Randy (1995). Pragmatic relations and word order in Chinese. in 
Downing, Pamela and Noonan, Michael (eds.)

Li, Charles N. ed. (1976) Subject and Topic. Academic Press: New York.

Li, Charles N. and Sandra Thompson (1976) Subject and topic: a new 
typology of language. in Li, Charles N. (ed.)

Li, Charles N. and Sandra Thompson (1981). Mandarin Chinese: a Functional 
Reference Grammar. 2nd edition.  University of California Press Berkeley, 
CA. 

Paris, Marie Claude (1981).  Problèmes de syntaxe et de sémantique en 
linguistique chinoise.  (Mémoires de l'Institut des Hautes E;tudes 
Chinoise XX.) Paris: Collège de France.

Paris, Marie Claude (1985).  The semantics of CAI and JIU in Mandarin 
Chinese.  Ajia Afurika go no keisu kenkyu (Computational Analyses of Asian 
and African Languages) 24, 181-96.

Shyu, Shu-ing (1995) The syntax of topic and focus in Mandarin Chinese. 
University of Southern California dissertation. 

ABOUT THE REVIEWER

Shiao Wei Tham is an assistant professor of Chinese at the Defense 
Language Institute Foreign Language Center, Asian School I.  Her research 
interests lie in lexical semantics, information structure, and their 
interaction.  She has studied information structure in Chinese linguistics 
through its different locative constructions, and through cleft-like 
constructions.  Her research interests include the encoding of locative, 
possessive, and existential meanings across languages, and the 
implications of such constructions for information structure.





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