21.2370, Diss: Syntax: Ince: 'Dimensions of Ellipsis: Investigations in ...'

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LINGUIST List: Vol-21-2370. Thu May 27 2010. ISSN: 1068 - 4875.

Subject: 21.2370, Diss: Syntax: Ince: 'Dimensions of Ellipsis: Investigations in ...'

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1)
Date: 26-May-2010
From: atakan ince < inceatakan at gmail.com >
Subject: Dimensions of Ellipsis: Investigations in Turkish
 

	
-------------------------Message 1 ---------------------------------- 
Date: Thu, 27 May 2010 12:49:08
From: atakan ince [inceatakan at gmail.com]
Subject: Dimensions of Ellipsis: Investigations in Turkish

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Institution: University of Maryland 
Program: Department of Linguistics 
Dissertation Status: Completed 
Degree Date: 2009 

Author: Atakan Ince

Dissertation Title: Dimensions of Ellipsis: Investigations in Turkish 

Dissertation URL:  http://www.lib.umd.edu/drum/handle/1903/9838

Linguistic Field(s): Syntax

Subject Language(s): Turkish (tur)


Dissertation Director(s):
Norbert Hornstein
Juan Uriagereka
Valentine Hacquard
Howard Lasnik

Dissertation Abstract:

This dissertation examines the elliptical structures of (a) sluicing (John
called someone, but I don't know who!), (b) fragment answers (A: Who did
John call?, B: Mary!), (c) gapping (John is eating ice-cream, and Mary
apple pie!), and (d) Right Node Raising (John cooked and Mary ate the apple
pie!) in Turkish and gives a 'PF-deletion' based analysis of all these
elliptical structures. As to sluicing and fragment answers, evidence in
support of PF-deletion comes from P-(non-)stranding and Case Matching,
respectively. Further, these elliptical structures are island-insensitive
in Turkish. As to gapping, this study gives a 'movement + deletion'
analysis, in which remnants in the second conjunct raise to the left
periphery of the second conjunct and the rest of the second conjunct is
elided. One striking property of gapping in Turkish is that it is a root
phenomenon; in other words, it cannot occur in complement clauses, for
instance. As to Right Node Raising, again, a PF-deletion analysis is given:
the identical element(s) in the first conjunct is/are elided under identity
with (an) element(s) in the second conjunct. The striking property of RNR
is that remnants in this elliptical structure may not be clause-mate, in
contrast to other elliptical structures - where remnants can be
non-clause-mate under very specific contexts. This, I suggest, is due to
the fact that PF-deletion in RNR applies at a later derivational stage than
in other elliptical structures. In this stage, a syntactic derivation
consists of linearized (sub-)lexical forms, where there is no hierarchical
representation. This also suggests that Markovian system exists in grammar.
In brief, this thesis looks at different elliptical structures in Turkish,
and gives arguments for PF-deletion for all these elliptical structures,
which has interesting implications for the Generative Theory. 




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