23.4938, Books: Multidominance, Ellipsis, and Quantifier Scope: Temmerman

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LINGUIST List: Vol-23-4938. Mon Nov 26 2012. ISSN: 1069 - 4875.

Subject: 23.4938, Books: Multidominance, Ellipsis, and Quantifier Scope: Temmerman

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Date: Mon, 26 Nov 2012 18:32:29
From: Mariëtte Bonenkamp [lot at uu.nl]
Subject: Multidominance, Ellipsis, and Quantifier Scope: Temmerman

E-mail this message to a friend:
http://linguistlist.org/issues/emailmessage/verification.cfm?iss=23-4938.html&submissionid=4688101&topicid=2&msgnumber=1
 Title: Multidominance, Ellipsis, and Quantifier Scope 
Series Title: LOT dissertation series  

Publication Year: 2012 
Publisher: Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics / Landelijke - LOT
	   http://www.lotpublications.nl/
	
Author: Tanja Temmerman

Paperback: ISBN:  9789460930867 Pages:  Price: Europe EURO 


Abstract:

This dissertation provides a novel perspective on the interaction between
quantifier scope and ellipsis. It presents a detailed investigation of the
scopal interaction between English negative indefinites, modals, and
quantified phrases in ellipsis. One of the crucial observations is that a
negative indefinite in object position cannot scope out of a verbal ellipsis
site, while Quantifier Raising (QR) of a quantificational object can escape a
verbal ellipsis site. This dissertation presents a unified account of this
state of affairs in the context of multidominance. It is argued that both
English negative indefinites and quantificational determiners decompose into
two independent elements. Their formation is the result of a morphological
process, Fusion Under Adjacency. The locality/adjacency required for fusion is
established under remerge (multidominance), in combination with cyclic
Spell-Out/linearization.

The main claim of this dissertation is that the PF-process of ellipsis can
block this morphological process. It is proposed that the timing of Fusion
Under Adjacency and (derivational) ellipsis plays a crucial role: Fusion Under
Adjacency has to take place before the ellipsis licensor is merged. The lack
of a blocking effect of ellipsis in QR is accounted for by the fact that QR
always has a landing site below the ellipsis licensor. In addition to
providing an account for the scopal behavior of quantificational elements
under ellipsis, this dissertation also sheds new light on the syntax-to-PF
mapping. It contributes to our understanding of how multidominant phrase
markers are transferred to PF for (non-)pronunciation in a cyclic model of the
grammar. This study is of relevance to scholars interested in the nature of
ellipsis and quantifier scope, and the syntax-PF connection, as well as to a
general syntactic readership
 



Linguistic Field(s): Syntax


Written In: English  (eng)

See this book announcement on our website: 
http://linguistlist.org/pubs/books/get-book.cfm?BookID=63188

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