I did write prefix about the classical Nahuatl data as well even though there is a noun root i:x- in CN. I think i did it nearly without thinking about it as I had already called the same element a prefix in a modern Nahuatl dialect. <br>
<br>But to defend my usage I would say that it is a question of analysis of data and the definition of prefix. The question here becomes whether words consistsing of i:x- and another root are best analyzed as compounds of two root or as a single root with a prefix (the i.x morpheme pretty consistently occurs as the first element). I think that in CN both analysis are viable: The compound analysis because other noun roots can also be prefixed to noun or verb roots and because ht meaning of the prefixed noun root has a clear semantic relation to the free noun root. The prefix analysis could be supported by the argument that bodypart nouns nearly always occur as the first element in a compound (i.e. they are prefixed), that they often have a broader more generic meaning when they are prefixes than when they are free noun roots and finally there are some good morphological arguments that might be used. Bodypart incorporation in CN works differently than incorporation/compounding of other kinds of nouns. Carochi mentions that when an object owned by someone is incorporated into a verb that verb must take the applicative. For example ni-k-xo:chi-ichteki-lia "I steal his flower" but if the incorporated possessed noun is a bodypart noun it doesn't take the applicative e.g. ni-k-ke:ch-mateloa "I wring its neck" and not *ni-k-kech-matelo-lwia which would instead mean "i wring its neck for someone". These are my examples, I can't remember Carochis now and I am too far away from the book to find it right now - ill get back with references if you can't find it. David Fleck writing about Matses has suggested that in Matses bodypart prefixing is not NI but rather a special kind of applicative construction because a bodypart prefix introduces an extra participant to the predicate - the CN evidence as <br>
analyzed by Carochi seems to suggest that such an analysis could also work for Classical Nahuatl.<br><br>Another difference from bodypart nouns in compounding and other nouns is that it can form a special kind of compound that launey calls a restrictive compound. In these compounds the second noun describes the first noun instead of the other way round: yolloh-tetl "stone-hearted/brave" or "a stone concerning the heart" or i:x-patzac "eye-mildew/blind" "mildewed concerning the eye". Bodypart nouns are by far most frequent first constituent of these kinds of compounds. As I said I believe it is a question of analysis whether to prefer one analysis of the other. I am working on a paper about Hueyapan Nahuatl where the mass of evidence for preferring an analysis including distinct morphological class of bodypart prefixes is much stronger than in CN because in many cases they do not have corresponding noun roots in the language and because bodypart nouns is the only noun class to have fully productive NI.<br>
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<p><span lang="EN-US">Magnus, regarding your statement “Molina
has entries for a transitive verb ‘ixnauatia’ which means ‘condenar
o despedir a otro, proponer firmamente alguna cosa, reprochar alguno’. It
is composed of the verb nahuatia ‘to order’ and the i:x- prefix”,
I have a question. How does the lack of i:xtli in modern Hueyapan Nahuatl make
i:x- a prefix in Molina, when the noun i:xtli is registered in this source? Please
excuse my insistence on this point. I don’t have an axe to grind, but I
do have a list of early colonial Nahuatl affixes I made for my students, and if
I happen across a new prefix I’ll have to add it to this list.</span></p>
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