conférence de M. Rezac le 5 mars à Saint-Denis

aroui@tiscali.co.uk aroui at TISCALI.CO.UK
Tue Feb 27 16:13:23 UTC 2007


L'UMR 7023 a le plaisir de vous convier, dans le cadre des séances de 
son
séminaire,

le lundi 5 mars
10h00-12h00, Université Paris VIII, 2, rue de la liberté, 93200 Saint-
Denis
(métro Saint-Denis Université, ligne 13), bâtiment D, salle D 143,

à une conférence de Milan Rezac (Université de Nantes)

intitulée

« Agreement displacement in Basque: principles, parameters, and syntax-
morphology
interaction. »

Résumé :

The talk discusses the role of syntax and morphology in agreement 
intervention
(blocking of canonical target-controller relations in agreement) and 
agreement
displacement (non-canonical target-controller pairing in agreement), 
focusing
on the Person Case Constraint (PCC) in Basque. The PCC occurs blocks 
person
Agree between the absolutive Case/Agree locus v and 1st/2nd person 
absolutive
subject, in the presence of a dative experiencer (*v-DAT-1/2:SU vs. v-
1/2SU).
I introduce a novel phenomenon, "absolutive displacement", whereby 
some speakers
allow the subject to become ergative in all and only PCC contexts. It 
is
argued that the raising allows a new person Agree relation between 
ergative
Case/Agree locus T and the subject when the latter raises to satisfy 
the
EPP. In this new relation between T and SU, the dative can no longer 
intervene
(T-1/2:SU v-DAT-trace(SU)). The circumvention of the PCC is subject to 
syntactic
conditions and has repercussions beyond agreement, namely in the case 
system.
In this, absolutive displacement behaves like other agreement 
displacements
that have a known syntactic effect (e.g. inverse in Algonquian). Like 
them,
it contributes to syntactic theory: it exemplifies an expected but 
putatively
lacking derivation that escapes a constraint banning a local 
representation.
At the same time, other agreement displacement, it is subject to 
essentially
arbitrary conditions on morphophonological spell-out varying from 
idiolect
to idiolect, conditions that have been the basis of advocating a 
purely morphological
treatment of agreement displacement. At this point of tension in the 
system
arise questions about the knowledge by syntax about the morpho-lexical 
properties
of vocabulary items and their "morphological" combinations, as filters 
of
narrow syntax spell-out or as narrow-syntactic triggers.









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