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<DIV>ERREUR DANS MON PRECEDENT DE MESSAGE :</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>la conférence de Bart Geurts aura lieu le JEUDI 16 DECEMBRE, </DIV>
<DIV>et non le vendredi 16, qui n'existe pas.<BR></DIV>
<DIV>Abstract ci-dessous.</DIV>
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<DIV> </DIV>
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<DIV>BART GEURTS, professeur à l'université de Nimègue,<BR>donnera une
conférence<BR><BR>le **JEUDI** 16 décembre de 10h30 à 12h30<BR><BR>à l'ENS,
en salle W (45 rue d'Ulm, 4ème étage, aile Rateau),<BR><BR>**Numerical
quantifiers in semantics and psychology**.<BR><BR>ABSTRACT<BR><BR>In the first
part of my talk I present a simple semantic measure of the<BR>complexity of
quantifiers and quantified expressions, which is based on<BR>monotonicity
properties. The account predicts, among other things, that<BR>a sentence whose
quantifiers are all upward entailing is easier to<BR>process than one whose
monotonicity properties are mixed. Furthermore,<BR>it is predicted that downward
entailing quantifiers built from numerals<BR>(like 'at most five sheep') are
harder to process than other<BR>quantifying expressions. I present experimental
data that confirm these<BR>predictions.<BR><BR>In the second part of the talk, I
will have a closer look at numerical<BR>quantifiers. It turns out that there are
surprising differences between<BR>quantifiers of the 'at least/most' type and
quantifiers of the<BR>'less/more than' type, and I propose to account for these
by assuming<BR>that quantifiers of the first type are in fact modal expressions.
This<BR>proposal yields a number of predictions concerning acquisition
and<BR>reasoning, which still are to be tested experimentally.<BR><BR><!-- |**|end egp html banner|**| --></DIV>
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