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<p><P class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: center;">ANNONCE</P><P class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: center;">CONFERENCES D’ANDREW SPENCER</P><DIV class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: auto;"> <B>Andrew Spencer, professeur à l’université d’Essex (Grande-Bretagne)<wbr>, invité par l’université de Paris 7, sera l’hôte du Laboratoire de Linguistique Formelle du 23 avril au 20 mai 2007. Il donnera une série de quatre conférences sur les représentations lexicales dans une morphologie à fonctions paradigmatiques généralisées.</B></DIV><P class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: center;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">PROGRAMME</FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN>Jeudi 26 avril<SPAN> </SPAN>An overview of Paradigm Function Morphology</SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN>Jeudi 3 mai<SPAN> </SPAN>Types of lexical relatedness<SPAN> </SPAN></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN>Jeudi 10 mai<SPAN> </SPAN>Empirical issues in inflection</SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN>Mardi 15 mai<SPAN> </SPAN>Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology</SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><BR class="khtml-block-placeholder"></P><P class="MsoNormal">Lieu<SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> : <I>LLF</I></FONT></SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">, 1<FONT class="Apple-style-span" size="2"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 10px;">er </SPAN></FONT></FONT></SPAN>étage, 30, rue du Château des Rentiers, 75013 PARIS</P><P class="MsoNormal">Horaire : 14h-16h. Salle : sera précisée sur place.</P><DIV class="MsoNormal">Transports : Métro, bus PC2, T3: Porte d'Ivry; bus 83: Marcel Duchamp<O></O></DIV><DIV class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT><O></O></SPAN></DIV><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">Andrew Spencer est un spécialiste de morphologie mondialement connu. Il est l’auteur de <I>Morphological Theory. An Introduction to word structure in Generative Grammar</I><SPAN>. 1991. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Il a coordonné avec A. Zwicky </SPAN><I>The Handbook of Morphology</I><SPAN>. 1998. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Il s’intéresse principalement aux problèmes de morphologie flexionnelle (structure des paradigmes, déponence, cas, allomorphie) et aux rapports entre syntaxe et morphologie (clitiques).</SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal">Le programme des conférences se trouve aussi sur le site du laboratoire LLF. Il est détaillé plus bas.</P><P class="MsoNormal">Contact : <A href="mailto:bernard.fradin@linguist.jussieu.fr">bernard.fradin@<wbr>linguist.<wbr>jussieu.fr</A></P><P class="MsoNormal"><BR class="khtml-block-placeholder"></P><P class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: center;">PRESENTATION DES CONFERENCES<O></O></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: auto;"> <SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"><B>MORPHOLOGY AND LEXICAL REPRESENTATION IN GENERALIZED PARADIGM FUNCTION MORPHOLOGY</B></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: auto;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN>The four lectures will provide a survey of some of the aspects of morphology and morphosyntax that I have been researching on in recent years. I shall concentrate on developments within the so-called 'Word-and-Paradigm' class of models (also known as 'realizational-<wbr>inferential' models), well-known from the work of Anderson, Aronoff, Beard, Corbett, Stump, Zwicky and others. This class of models undoubtedly represents the most influential approach to inflection and has had a noticeable impact on all other approaches, including Wunderlich's 'Minimalist Morphology', Halle and Marantz's 'Distributed Morphology' and various approaches to morphology couched within an Optimality Theoretic framework. The realizational-<wbr>inferential approach has also influenced lexicalist models of syntax, including LFG but especially HPSG.</SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">I shall present an extension of Stump’s Paradigm Function Morphology, which I call Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology. Having summarized the classical model I shall present a number of empirical issues in need of resolution. I then sketch briefly the way that the GPFM model handles those issues.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B>Lecture 1</B></FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B> </B></FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B>An overview of Paradigm Function Morphology</B></FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN>This lecture sets the scene by discussing the conceptual issues underpinning contemporary work in morphology, taking as a starting point Stump’s model of Paradigm Function Morphology. I illustrate the notion of the ‘paradigm function (PF)’, a function which maps the root of a lexeme and a complete set of inflectional features to a cell in the lexeme’s paradigm: PF(<root, features>)=</SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" size="1"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 8.88889px;">def</SPAN></FONT></SPAN><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><word form, features>. I pay particularly attention to the role of defaults in the system and discuss the role played by the concept of ‘paradigm’. I also summarize the devices used in PFM to ensure that morphs are placed in the correct linear order.</SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">In addition, I draw attention to a number of problematical aspects of the model. First, it’s difficult to see how the model can handle the full array of types of lexical relatedness (there is only very brief discussion of derivational morphology in Stump 2001). Second, it’s difficult to see how to extend the model so as to handle clitic systems. This is of importance because it’s often very difficult to distinguish between highly grammaticalized clitic systems and affix systems which have not been fully integrated into the morphology. Third, there are certain redundancies in the way that PFM handles linear ordering.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B>Lecture 2</B></FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B> </B></FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B>Types of lexical relatedness</B></FONT></SPAN></SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN>In this lecture I examine the different ways that lexemes can be related to each other, basing myself on Spencer (2005, in press). I distinguish between four attributes for a lexical entry:</SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">FORM (specification of the root form, irregular stem forms, morphological class, …)</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">SYNTAX (specification of syntactic class and/or argument structure, selectional/<wbr>collocational restrictions…)</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">SEMANTICS (some sort of linguistic semantic/conceptual representation)</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">LEXEME INDEX (unique identifier serving to individuate lexemes from each other, e.g. in cases of polysemy).</FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">The SEM attribute and some of the SYN sub-attributes may well be empty, e.g. in the case of auxiliary elements which have a purely grammatical function but no meaning (auxiliary verbs, grammatical prepositions, light verbs, …)</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">One important feature of the characterization of the lexical entry is the possibility for a lexeme to have a Morphological Class specification which is distinct from its Syntactic Class specification. A simple example is found when an adjective is converted to a noun, and retains all its adjectival morphology despite behaving like a noun in the syntax. Other, more complex, examples of such mismatches will be presented.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Lexical relatedness can now be thought of as a relation between the four principal attributes of lexical entries and their sub-attributes, in which some or all of the relations can be trivial. Where all four attributes are changed we have classical derivational morphology. Where only the FORM attribute is changed (so as to realize inflectional features) we have (contextual, functional, ‘meaningless’) inflection. However, I show that there is a host of other types of relatedness that can be defined, including transpositions, such as deverbal participles or deverbal (action) nominalizations.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: auto;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B> <SPAN>Lecture 3<SPAN> </SPAN>Empirical issues in inflection</SPAN></B></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN>There are a number of ways in which the classical PFM model is insufficient to describe all the phenomena of interest to students of morphology and morphosyntax. Here I look at three types of system, each of which poses descriptive challenges to the original model. I first consider the clitic-affix distinction. Examples from European Portuguese (Luís & Spencer 2005) and Polish show that there's no clear-cut distinction between these notions. In particular, in Portuguese one and the same set of formatives behave like affixes in some contexts and clitics in other contexts.</SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Then I consider the stem-affix distinction, looking at the Hungarian case system. Again, the case formatives have both affix-like and root/stem-like properties. Pronouns fail to take case endings. Instead, meanings such as ‘to-me’ or ‘from-them’ are expressed by inflecting the case ending with possessor agreement affixes.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Finally, I discuss question of stems. There are two aspects to this. First, many languages have meaningless, purely formal stems (Aronoff’s ‘morphomic stems’) which are nonetheless formed by regular rules of inflectional morphology, just like other inflections (indeed, this is true of Aronoff’s own example of the ‘third stem’ in Latin). Second, in many languages with complex position class morphology we find that word forms have complex and discontinuous stems in part or all of their paradigms. I illustrate this with examples from the Siberian language isolate, Ket. </FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">The problem of discontinous stems and the affix-like clitics highlights the need to re-appraise the nature of linear order in PFM. The problem of regular stem formation rules highlights the need to allow rules of morphology to be responsible for pure forms as well as realizing feature values. The problem of root-like affixes highlights the need for the model to make reference to morphological objects rather than morphophonological operations.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B>Lecture 4</B></FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B> </B></FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="LucidaSans-Demi"><B>Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology</B></FONT></SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN>In this lecture I present a modification of PFM which is designed to answer all the questions raised so far, Generalized Paradigm Function Morphology. In GPFM we separate out the exponence/realizati<wbr>on of a set of features from the linearization and placement of the morphs (e.g. affixes) that realize those features. Thus, instead of a realization rule along the lines</SPAN></FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Plural(N) </FONT></SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="HiraKakuPro-W3">⇒</FONT></SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> N-s</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">which specifies that -s is suffixed to the stem N, we split the rule into two basic parts:</FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"><SPAN class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </SPAN>Plural(N):</FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Host </FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">= </FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">N</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> <SPAN class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre;"> </SPAN></FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Exponence </FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">= </FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">s</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal"><SPAN><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">Linearization</FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">=</FONT><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans"> </FONT></SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">suffix</FONT></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">The paradigm function is now replaced by a Generalized Paradigm Function (GPF). Instead of mapping <root, features> to a cell in the paradigm the GPF maps a complete representation of a lexeme and a set of features to another representation of a lexeme and that same set of features. Where we have completely regular derivational morphology (as opposed to idiosyncratic and non-productive lexical relatedness) the GPF maps the value of all four attributes of the lexeme to non-trivially changed values of those attributes, i.e. the GPF maps a lexeme onto a distinct, derived lexeme. Where we have meaningless inflectional morphology the GPF only induces a non-trivial mapping for the FORM attribute, in effect mimicking the classical paradigm function. The other three attributes, SYN, SEM, LI, are the values of an identity mapping. However, a great variety of other mappings is possible, corresponding to the various types of lexical relatedness discussed in Lecture Two. </FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><P class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><SPAN><SPAN> </SPAN><FONT class="Apple-style-span" face="Lucidasans">The GPF approach allows us to make very general statements about linear ordering of morphemes, including discontinuous stems. It also allows us to integrate the stem-formation rules gracefully with the rest of the realizational morphology. Because the rules of exponence manipulate morphs, i.e. morphological objects, these can be defined independently of the realization rules, effectively being treated like meaningless ‘morphemes’. This allows us to do several things. First, we can readily handle descriptive problems such as affixes which double as roots (Hungarian case). Second, we can handle partially grammaticalized clitic clusters by judicious definition of what counts as a host for linearization. In this fashion we have a satisfactory descriptive framework for handling all of the problematical issues raised in the earlier lectures.</FONT><O></O></SPAN></P><DIV>------------<wbr>---------<wbr>---------</DIV><DIV>Cordialement.</DIV><DIV><BR><DIV> <SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><DIV>Bernard Fradin</DIV><DIV>Tél. 33 (0) 1 57 27 57 84</DIV><DIV><B><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;">Adresse postale / postal address</SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></B></DIV><DIV><SPAN class="Apple-style-span"><I style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-style: italic;">Laboratoire de linguistique formelle</SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></I> </SPAN></DIV><DIV><SPAN class="Apple-style-span">Case 7031, 2 place Jussieu</SPAN></DIV><DIV>F-75251 PARIS CEDEX 05</DIV><DIV><B style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;"><SPAN class="Apple-style-span" style="font-weight: bold;">Adresse géographique /geographical address</SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></B></DIV><DIV>30, rue du Château des Rentiers</DIV><DIV>F-75013 PARIS</DIV><DIV>Métro, bus PC2, T3: Porte d'Ivry; bus 83: Marcel Duchamp</DIV><DIV><BR class="khtml-block-placeholder"></DIV><BR class="Apple-interchange-newline"></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN></SPAN> </DIV><BR></DIV></p>
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