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<p>Le programme "Temporalité: Typologie et Acquisition" (temptypac) de la<br>
Fédération "Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques" du CNRS a le plaisir<br>
d'annoncer un exposé:<br>
<br>
James Higginbotham, University of Southern California<br>
<br>
"Tense Parameters"<br>
<br>
Date : lundi 12 novembre 2007<br>
Heure : 10h-12h<br>
Lieu : CNRS Pouchet, 59 rue Pouchet 75017 Paris, salle 159<br>
Métro : Guy Môquet ou Brochant<br>
<br>
Résumé :<br>
<br>
I begin by rehearsing the account of English Tense, from Higginbotham <br>
(2002) and (2006):<br>
<br>
(∅) The actual time of utterance is default in root clauses.<br>
<br>
(I) Tenses are binary, expressing one of the three relations ≈,<,or > <br>
between (the<br>
actual times of) events or situations, where '≈' is the <br>
relation between e and e' that<br>
holds when the time τ(e) of e surrounds the time τ(e') of e'.<br>
<br>
(II) Anaphoric +Past is ambiguous (in English) between (a) facilitating<br>
anaphora, but having a –Past interpretation (B-past), and (b) expressing <<br>
(A-Past). The antecedent of a B-Past must be +Past, and the clause itself<br>
must be Stative.<br>
<br>
(III) -Past in situ cannot be anaphoric to +Past.<br>
<br>
(IV) Tenses in the C position of a complement clause are always anaphoric;<br>
movement of one copy of INFL to C is obligatory in these cases.<br>
<br>
The theory applies both to the simple inflectional and paraphrastic <br>
tenses and to extensions to the English Perfect and the Progressive. It <br>
follows from (IV) that Sequence of Tense is obligatory in complement <br>
clauses, but not in relative clauses. The phenomena of English “double <br>
access” likewise fall out, as a joint consequence of (III) and (IV).<br>
<br>
There are a number of languages in which the forced double access <br>
interpretation, as in the well-known example (1), does not occur:<br>
<br>
(1) John said that Mary is pregnant.<br>
<br>
That is to say, in these languages the analogue of (1) means (and must <br>
mean) merely that John said that there was such a thing as Mary’s being <br>
pregnant at the time of his, John's, speaking. Moreover, in some of <br>
these languages (e.g., Korean, Romanian) the complement +Past can be <br>
only a true Past; i.e., an A-Past in the sense of (II) above. Sharvit <br>
(2003) gives examples from Modern Greek as showing that, however common, <br>
this pattern is not forced: expressed in terms of my outline above, it <br>
may be that (III) fails whereas (II) holds, as it does in English. She <br>
fails to note, however, the requirement of stativity for the A-Past as <br>
in (II), a point that will form part of my theme here.<br>
<br>
Double access appears in Italian and French with Imperfect <br>
complements, not manifestly represented in English. I shall assume for <br>
purposes of this discussion that an analogue of (III) is at work in <br>
these languages.<br>
<br>
Tense is an indexical, but not a demonstrative, feature: the <br>
interpretation of an utterance using a Tense depends, as a strict matter <br>
of linguistic form, upon a contextual parameter, namely the time of <br>
utterance. In contrast to other temporal indexicals (e.g., now, a year <br>
ago), however, embedded Tenses sometimes do not, and sometimes cannot, <br>
behave as they would in isolation, in root clauses. The reason, as <br>
suggested by the above outline, is not that they are in any way <br>
exceptions to the thesis that indexicals cannot shift their <br>
interpretations when embedded, but rather than they participate in <br>
anaphoric interclausal relations. The same, I conjecture, should be <br>
said for other cases where context-dependent elements shift their <br>
interpretations when embedded. I will illustrate with reference to <br>
(what I am told in Byun (2007) about) Korean cikum, which appears to be <br>
interpreted as now in root clauses, but then in some complements.<br>
<br>
Sharvit (2003) asks the important question whether the condition (II) <br>
(permitting at least some occurrences of the B-Past) and condition (III) <br>
(forcing double access) can vary independently. She proposes to rule <br>
out languages in which (III) holds as in English, but the complement <br>
Past is never a B-Past. I will argue that her proposal is defective, <br>
for several reasons. In any case, the very thing that she proposes not <br>
to permit actually occurs in English, with non-Stative Past in the <br>
complement of a Past, as in (2):<br>
<br>
(2) John said that Mary left the room.<br>
<br>
The complement Past in (2) is only a A-Past, so there is no ambiguity. <br>
The reason this is so cannot be that the English Present of an <br>
achievement predicate is only "habitual," since (as noted in Giorgi and <br>
Pianesi (1997)) the same happens in Italian, where the simple Present <br>
can in fact be a report of what is presently occurring. A good test <br>
case for English is (3):<br>
<br>
(3) John said that Mary remained in her room.<br>
<br>
The V remain is about as non-active an "Activity" V as one can get: one <br>
can certainly say (4) in response to the question, "Where is Mary?"<br>
<br>
(4) Mary remains in her room.<br>
<br>
(not surprisingly, given the historical, and the obvious semantic, link <br>
between remain, become, and be). However, (3) can only be interpreted <br>
as a report of an alleged past, Past-Tense, utterance by John. <br>
Inversely, (5) shows double access, as expected:<br>
<br>
(5) John said that Mary remains in her room.<br>
<br>
The coexistence of forced double access with absence of a B-Past is thus <br>
attested, and therefore possible in general.<br>
<br>
However, the generalization I offered above, that a B-Past must be <br>
stative, is wrong, as the B-Past is available with the Perfect, as in (6):<br>
<br>
(6) John said that Mary had left.<br>
<br>
The relevant interpretation is as in (7):<br>
<br>
(7) (∃e<u) Say(John,e,^<wbr>(∃e'≈e)(∃e'': e' is Resultant of e'') <br>
leave(Mary,e'<wbr>'))<br>
<br>
which may truly report a past utterance of Mary has left by John. The <br>
correct generalization appears to be that the B-Past is available in <br>
English only for +Past attaching, not to the V, but to an auxiliary <br>
element, as had, would, was, could, or might. I shall speculate on why <br>
this might be so.<br>
<br>
Finally, I shall endeavor to clarify some points with respect to <br>
indexicality and the double access interpretation, and particularly (i) <br>
to observe, that the embedded Present (or -Past) is by no means always <br>
interpreted with respect to utterance time; and (ii) to note that the <br>
occasional references in the literature to "optional double access" <br>
unfortunately neglect to note that the notion of one event surrounding <br>
another leaves the intended period of surrounding entirely open, so <br>
that, for instance, examples like (8) tell us nothing about it:<br>
<br>
(8) John will divulge next week that Mary is pregnant.<br>
<br>
Sequence of Tense is obligatory in (8); at the same time, the speaker of <br>
(8) may intend to be understood as believing that what John will divulge <br>
is true even as she speaks.<br>
<br>
References<br>
<br>
Byun, H. (2007). "Sequence of Tense in Korean." ms., University of <br>
Southern California.<br>
<br>
Giorgi, A. and Pianesi, F. (1997). Tense and Aspect: From Semantics to <br>
Morphosyntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br>
<br>
Higginbotham, J. (2002). "Why is Sequence of Tense Obligatory?" <br>
Gerhard Preyer and Georg Peter (eds.), Logical Form and Language. <br>
Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp. 207-227.<br>
<br>
Higginbotham, J. (2006). "The Anaphoric Theory of Tense." Proceedings <br>
SALT 16, Tokyo, Japan.<br>
<br>
Sharvit, Y. (2003). "Embedded Tense and Universal Grammar." Linguistic <br>
Inquiry 34. pp. 669-681.<br>
</p>
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}
#ygrp-sponsor .ad p{
margin: 0;
}
o{font-size: 0; }
.MsoNormal{
margin: 0 0 0 0;
}
#ygrp-text tt{
font-size: 120%;
}
blockquote{margin: 0 0 0 4px;}
.replbq{margin:4}
-->
</style>
</head>
<!--~-|**|PrettyHtmlEnd|**|-~-->
</html><!--End group email -->