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<p>Le programme "Temporalité: Typologie et Acquisition" (temptypac) de la<br>
Fédération "Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques" du CNRS a le plaisir<br>
d'annoncer un exposé:<br>
<br>
Jacqueline GUERON (Paris 3) : "On the Parameter of Aspect"<br>
<br>
Date : lundi 25 fév 2008<br>
Lieu : 59 rue Pouchet, salle 159<br>
Heure : 10h00-12h00<br>
Métro : ligne 13, Guy Moquet ou Brochant<br>
<br>
Un plan d'accès se trouve à :<br>
<a href="http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/article.php3?id_article=86">http://www.umr7023.<wbr>cnrs.fr/article.<wbr>php3?id_article=<wbr>86</a><br>
<br>
Vous pouvez consulter le site web de temptypac à :<br>
<a href="http://www.ivry.cnrs.fr/~7023web/rubrique.php3?id_rubrique=31">http://www.ivry.<wbr>cnrs.fr/~<wbr>7023web/rubrique<wbr>.php3?id_<wbr>rubrique=<wbr>31</a><br>
<br>
Résumé :<br>
<br>
This talk presents work in progress in collaboration with <br>
Svetlana Vogeleer on Aspect in French and Russian. I attempt to <br>
situate some of Vogeleer's semantic hypotheses in a syntactic framework.<br>
I assume that deictic tense interpretation involves the mapping <br>
of a situation described in vP onto the point of time which the T node <br>
denotes. This point of time is contained in an interval of time <br>
associated with the CP domain.<br>
If we assume that vP can describe all the Venderlian event types <br>
in all languages, and that similarly all languages can, in one way or <br>
anther, point to the three semantic times, Present, Past, and <br>
Future, the question becomes "Why do sentence structures expressing <br>
temporal interpretation vary so much from one language to another"?<br>
For instance, the Russian imperfective past in (1a) translates into <br>
French as either (progressive) (1b) or (anterior) (1c).<br>
(1) a. Masha ela jabloki.<br>
b. Masha mangeait des pommes,<br>
c. Masha a mangé des pommes.<br>
I will assume that the difference between languages is to be <br>
found in the grammar of Aspect which is based on a (small) set of <br>
functional morphemes affixed to V or merged with vP either in the vP <br>
domain or in a higher Aspect domain.<br>
Vogeleer describes two different approaches to aspect, each of <br>
which is appropriate for different language types. The "point of <br>
view" or temporal approach is appropriate for Romance languages, <br>
while the "quantization" approach is appropriate for Slavic languages.<br>
I will propose that these two approaches may be associated with <br>
distinct syntactic levels of Aspect, independent of aktionsart , which <br>
determine tense interpretation in different ways. Each level is <br>
available in principle in any language and a language may use a <br>
mixture of the two.<br>
For morphological Aspect, in vP itself, grammatical morphemes <br>
merged with V in the lexicon or in morphology determine the quantized <br>
or cumulative internal structure of the event. This structure is then <br>
predicated directly of the time line in T.This mapping gives the <br>
progressive reading of imperfectives, which are cumulative.<br>
There may be an intermediate level of "point of view" Aspect. <br>
This seems to be a kind of nominalized or participial level, in <br>
which a syntactic morpheme, the participial head, maps the entire <br>
event vP defines onto some point of time relative to (that is, <br>
before, after, or simultaneous with ) a not-yet identified higher <br>
point of time. The higher point of time may be either the evaluation <br>
time in T or the reference time interval in Comp.<br>
Suppose either strategy is available in Russian. If a cumulative <br>
vP is mapped directly onto a past evaluation time, Russian (1a) <br>
translates as French (1b). Suppose the Russian vP may alternatively be <br>
construed as a nominalized participial form predicated onto a <br>
relative point of time. If the participial form is mapped onto a <br>
present time interval, as it is overtly in French (1c) in its <br>
experiential construal, then we can understand why Russian (1a) may <br>
also be equivalent to (1c).<br>
</p>
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