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<p>L'UMR 7023 a le plaisir de vous convier, dans le cadre des séances de son <br>
séminaire,<br>
<br>
le lundi 26 mai 2008<br>
10h00-12h00, Université Paris VIII, 2, rue de la liberté, 93200 Saint-Denis <br>
(métro Saint-Denis Université, ligne 13), bâtiment D, salle D 143,<br>
<br>
à une conférence de Marilyn Vihman (University of York)<br>
<br>
intitulée<br>
<br>
"Templates in phonological development"<br>
<br>
Résumé :<br>
<br>
The study of child language must ultimately find a way to account for the <br>
developmental source of linguistic system. In one influential approach to <br>
this problem Universal Grammar (or UG) is assumed to provide the essential <br>
knowledge of linguistic structure that serves as the starting point for all <br>
language acquisition, leading to the basic question, what exactly needs to be <br>
learned? (Peperkamp, 2003). This must then be followed by the question of the <br>
nature of the triggering process needed to establish the specifics of a given <br>
language: How does the child recognize the critical data that will make it <br>
possible to set the appropriate parameters? For approaches that deny the <br>
existence of UG the questions are the converse: with what knowledge, if any, <br>
does the child begin?, followed by the complementary question, how can the <br>
child gain knowledge of linguistic structure or system? <br>
<br>
In this talk I will begin by reviewing the arguments for ‘whole-word <br>
phonology’, which I see as characterizing children’s first phonological <br>
system (based on production data), and I will suggest learning mechanisms <br>
that might underlie such a system. Secondly, I will report preliminary <br>
findings from an ongoing study that puts those hypotheses to the test by <br>
investigating the relationship of phonological advance to lexical and <br>
grammatical learning in ‘expressive late talkers’ - children whose expressive <br>
language is 6 or more months behind at age 2.5 years (with normal <br>
comprehension)<wbr>. Our hypothesis is that the late talkers will fall into two <br>
groups, identifiable from their word production: (i) children who are slow to <br>
make a start but who show the same kind of sytematization in their word forms <br>
as is found in the typically developing children and (ii) children whose word <br>
production displays little evidence of systematization. The prediction is <br>
that in one-year follow-up recordings (not yet available for analysis) group <br>
(i) will have caught up with the typically developing children, showing <br>
normal linguistic levels for their age as assessed for phonology, <br>
morphosyntax and lexical diversity (based on spontaneous speech data) as well <br>
as in formal tests; in contrast, group (ii) will continue to show language <br>
delay and may be diagnosed as having Specific Language Impairment (SLI). I <br>
will report on the procedure that we have developed to quantify and compare <br>
systematicity – a critical first step in testing our hypothesis. In addition, <br>
I will indicate the differences we are finding between the typically <br>
developing children, on the one hand, and the late talkers, on the other, who <br>
do appear to fall into the two groups that we were expecting to find.<br>
-- <br>
Jean-Louis AROUI<br>
Université Paris 8<br>
UFR des Sciences du Langage<br>
2, rue de la liberté<br>
93200 Saint-Denis<br>
FRANCE<br>
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