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<p><p><span class="Apple-style-span">Le programme "Temporalité: Typologie et Acquisition" (temptypac) de la<br>Fédération "Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques" du CNRS a le plaisir<br>d'annoncer un exposé:<br><br>Oana LUNGU (Univ. Nantes)<div>The Construal of Embedded Tenses in Romanian </div><div><br><br>Date : lundi 16 février 2009<br>Lieu : 59 rue Pouchet, salle 159<br>Heure : 14h30-16h30<br>Métro : ligne 13, Guy Moquet ou Brochant<br><br>Un plan d'accès se trouve à :<br><a href="http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/article.php3?id_article=86">http://www.umr7023.<wbr>cnrs.fr/article.<wbr>php3?id_article=<wbr>86</a><br><br>Vous pouvez consulter le site web de temptypac à :<br><a href="http://www.ivry.cnrs.fr/~7023web/rubrique.php3?id_rubrique=31">http://www.ivry.<wbr>cnrs.fr/~<wbr>7023web/rubrique<wbr>.php3?id_<wbr>rubrique=<wbr>31</a><br><div><br></div><div><div class="MsoNormal">Résumé : </div><div class="MsoNormal"><br></div><div class="MsoNormal"><div>In this talk, I discuss the status of Romanian tenses with respect to the cross-linguistic typology, which </div><div>distinguishes between Sequence of Tense, (SOT) and non-SOT languages. The major difference between SOT </div><div>languages (English) and non-SOT languages (Japanese/Russian) is that, in the former, <i>past</i> under past yields a </div><div>simultaneous reading whereas, in the latter, <i>present</i> under past yields a simultaneous construal. On traditional </div><div>tense analyses, simultaneous construals in SOT languages arise via a “null” (past) tense, while in non-SOT </div><div>languages, simultaneous construals arise via either a “null” tense (Japanese) or a “shifted indexical” present tense </div><div>(Russian). I examine the distribution of Romanian past and present in complement and relative clauses and show </div><div>that in Romanian (i) past always expresses anteriority and (ii) present may be indexical under past and the </div><div>realization of a “null” tense under a matrix future. I also discuss cases where present in complement clauses </div><div>(embedded under a matrix past) yields a simultaneous construal in the light of two major theories of shifting </div><div>indexicals (Schlenker, 2003; Anand & Nevins, 2004), and show that neither gives a neat account of the Romanian </div><div>data. I suggest instead an alternative explanation according to which the denotation of the present depends on the </div><div>presuppositions associated to the content of the embedded clause. Present under past can be construed as </div><div>simultaneous only when the speaker is <i>not</i> committed to the truth of the subordinate clause. Otherwise, present is </div><div>only indexical. </div><p style="font: 12.0px Times;"> <br class="webkit-block-placeholder"></p></div></div></div></span></p></p>
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