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de la part d'Asaf Bachrach :<br><div><br><br><blockquote type="cite"><div>Dear all,</div><div>Shravan Vasishth (Chair of Psycholinguistics & Neurolinguistics,</div><div>Potsdam university) will be visiting the unicog (Neurospin) lab in the coming</div><div>week. He<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>will be giving a<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>series of seminars (</div><div>meeting next Tuesday).</div><div>The<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>first (dealing with prediction and working memory) will be held on<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Friday</div><div>morning in la<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>Maison de la Recherche. The second (on Aphasia)<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>will be held in</div><div>the Pitié-Salpetriere at 15:00 this Friday. The third one<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>will take<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>place</div><div>during the regular LSCP lab meeting at the DEC.<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>See below<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>for details,</div><div>Asaf</div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div>Shravan Vasishth (Chair of Psycholinguistics & Neurolinguistics,</div><div>Potsdam university)</div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div>Title: Prediction and retrieval in dependency resolution: Models and<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>data</div><div>Friday 6/3/2009 11:00 ? 12:30 am</div><div>Location: Salle D040, Maison de la Recherche, 28, rue Serpente, 75006</div><div><br></div><div>Title:<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>A case against chance performance: Evidence from eye movements</div><div>of agrammatic aphasics</div><div>Friday 6/3/2009 15:00-16.30</div><div>Location: Pitié-Salpetriere, Pavillon de l'Enfant et de l'Adolescent,</div><div>(dans le batiment, aller à droite, prendre l'ascenseur "monte malades"</div><div>jusqu'au troisième. étage La salle de conférence est au fond à gauche)</div><div><br></div><div>Title: The Integration Advantage due to Clefting and Topicalization</div><div>Tuesday 10/3/2009 <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>14:00-16:00</div><div>Location: Laboratoire de Sciences Cognitives et Psycholinguistique</div><div>Ecole Normale Supérieure, 29 rue d'Ulm</div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div>Dans les trois cas; le labo organisateur est l'unité de neuroimagerie</div><div>cognitive INSERM-CEA.</div><div><br></div><div>Merci!</div><div><br></div><div>ABSTRACTS:</div><div><br></div><div><br></div><div>Prediction and retrieval in dependency resolution: Models and data</div><div>Resolving a head-dependent relationship a central act in online</div><div>sentence comprehension; without it, comprehension is impossible.</div><div>Fillers must be connected to gaps, antecedents to pronouns and</div><div>reflexives, licensors to polarity items, incoming phrases with one of</div><div>multiple possible attachment sites; and so on. Although such</div><div>dependency resolution processes often proceed smoothly, at other times</div><div>difficulty occurs: targeted items are retrieved slowly or not</div><div>retrieved at all, or the wrong item is retrieved. What causes such</div><div>breakdowns? Understanding the nature of online dependency resolution</div><div>remains a central open problem in sentence processing research.</div><div><br></div><div>Prediction and retrieval based difficulty have been invoked to explain</div><div>dependency resolution difficulty. Retrieval theory has argued</div><div>primarily for decay and/or interference as explanatory primitives</div><div>(Gibson 2000, Lewis and Vasishth 2005, Van Dyke and McElree 2007,</div><div>among others), while predictive or expectation-<wbr>based accounts rely on</div><div>quantifying the uncertainty about the upcoming word in a sentence</div><div>(some recent examples are: Hale 2001, Levy 2008, Boston, Hale, Patil,</div><div>Kliegl, Vasishth 2008, Demberg and Keller 2008).</div><div><br></div><div>Retrieval theory and expectation-<wbr>based explanations are,</div><div>theoretically, orthogonal aspects of the incremental parsing process.</div><div>This raises the possibility that both classes of explanation should</div><div>operate more or less simultaneously to determine parse difficulty. In</div><div>order to test this hypothesis, I present a scalable computational</div><div>model of online parsing that delivers retrieval and prediction cost in</div><div>a unified framework for arbitrary sentences (Boston et al 2009; cf.</div><div>Patil et al 2009). I show how retrieval and prediction based accounts</div><div>can be combined to explain a range of benchmark data gathered in my</div><div>laboratory using methodologies such as self-paced reading, eyetracking</div><div>and event related potentials.</div><div><br></div><div>A case against chance performance: Evidence from eye movements of</div><div>agrammatic aphasics</div><div>(joint work with Sandra Hanne, Irina Sekerina, Frank Burchert, Ria De</div><div>Bleser)</div><div>Broca aphasics often perform at chance level in the comprehension of</div><div>reversible noncanonical sentences (Grodzinsky 1995, Burchert et al.</div><div>2003). The Trace-Deletion-<wbr>Hypothesis (Grodzinsky 1995) argues that</div><div>patients erroneously assign thematic roles based on an agent-first</div><div>heuristic. In an eye-tracking study, Dickey et al. (2007) observed a</div><div>mismatch between aphasics? online sentence processing and their</div><div>offline responses: While patients exhibit normal-like online</div><div>processing, they often do not succeed in offline comprehension: chance</div><div>performance in offline tasks does not necessarily reflect chance level</div><div>performance during incremental online processing. Dickey and</div><div>colleagues argue that the normal online performance of aphasics can be</div><div>explained in terms of the slowed processing hypothesis: aphasics build</div><div>structure more slowly than normals, and are therefore sometimes unable</div><div>to converge on the correct syntactic structure in time to parse the</div><div>sentence correctly.</div><div>We provide further evidence for the slowed processing account from</div><div>German. A sentence-picture-<wbr>matching experiment was conducted with 8</div><div>controls and 7 German Broca aphasics. We used German canonical SVO</div><div>sentences (1) and noncanonical OVS sentences (2).</div><div>(1) Der Sohn fängt den Vater.</div><div>(2) Den Sohn fängt der Vater.</div><div>Two pictures were presented side-by-side simultaneously with the</div><div>spoken sentence: the target (agent and patient acting according to the</div><div>sentence) and the foil picture (semantically reversed action).</div><div>Accuracy, reaction times and eye-movements were recorded.</div><div>For accuracy, controls were at ceiling for both conditions (SVO: 98%,</div><div>OVS: 95%) while patients were impaired for SVO (80%) and at chance for</div><div>OVS (46%). Patients were twice as slow as controls but SVO was</div><div>processed faster than OVS in both groups. Controls? eye movements</div><div>reflected a preference for the target picture from the der/den-NP</div><div>region onwards in both conditions. Patients? fixation patterns in the</div><div>canonical SVO condition were very similar. When we analyzed all trials</div><div>(correct and wrong ones) for the noncanonical OVS condition, we</div><div>observed a persistent preference for the foil picture. This might</div><div>suggest the application of an agent-first heuristic. Following Dickey</div><div>et al. (2007), we looked at correct and incorrect trials separately</div><div>and found that, in correct trials, patients (just like controls)</div><div>showed an early preference for the target picture. This is new</div><div>evidence for a dissociation between patients? online processing and</div><div>their offline performance, similar to claims regarding children</div><div>(Sekerina et al. 2004).</div><div>In addition to the above findings, I demonstrate how individual</div><div>differences among aphasics' performance (a crucial issue that is</div><div>avoided in aphasia research) can be modeled statistically using linear</div><div>mixed effects models.</div><div>The Integration Advantage due to Clefting and Topicalization</div><div>(joint work with Rukshin Shaher, Felix Engelmann, Pavel Logacev,</div><div>Narayanan Srinivasan)</div><div>What is the functional motivation for the existence of elaborate</div><div>syntactic markers such as clefts, left-dislocated topicalizations, and</div><div>given-new ordering? Although it is clear that they are syntactic</div><div>markers that facilitate effective information-<wbr>packaging that</div><div>communicates a message to the hearer/reader, it is less clear how this</div><div>kind of restructuring impacts processing in real-time sentence</div><div>comprehension. Two eyetracking studies involving Hindi address this</div><div>question. We show that such information structure markers drive the</div><div>re-allocation of attention for facilitating comprehension; this</div><div>re-allocation has the consequence that the message is processed faster</div><div>and more efficiently.</div><div>Previous work on information structure marking has shown that readers</div><div>detect focused information more quickly and accurately, and remember</div><div>it better than non-focused information. For example, in a probe</div><div>recognition and naming task, Birch and Garnsey (1995) showed that</div><div>clefted nouns ('It was a?') can be named faster than non-clefted ones.</div><div>In an eyetracking experiment, Foraker & McElree (2007) showed that</div><div>clefting a noun improves its availability in online sentence</div><div>comprehension. Birch and Rayner (1997) provided evidence that</div><div>processing a clefted noun is computationally costly. They claim that</div><div>the costly processing operations on the clefted noun reflect a more</div><div>robust encoding in memory which explains the facilitation during</div><div>retrieval found by Birch and Garnsey.</div><div>Our eyetracking experiments extend on this previous work by showing:</div><div>(i) there is an initial processing cost (encoding cost) associated</div><div>with encoding a focused element; (ii) but this results in richer</div><div>encoding, which facilitates later processing (integration advantage);</div><div>(iii) the integration advantage interacts with the widely accepted</div><div>given-before-<wbr>new ordering preference.</div><div>An eyetracking study (n=32) involving Hindi clefted sentences was</div><div>carried out; the factors clefting and given-new order were</div><div>manipulated. Subjects saw two sentences, a context sentence followed</div><div>by a target sentence, which collectively described the relative</div><div>position of three objects. They were then presented with a picture and</div><div>had to indicate whether the layout in the picture matched the</div><div>description.</div><div>Context sentence:</div><div>banduuk duurbiin kii baayii taraf hai.</div><div>?The gun is to the left of the binoculars.?</div><div>Target sentence: (cleft marker in italics, given material in bold)</div><div>ek<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>tijorii<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>bhii<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>hai,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>aur/lekin<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>[NP1 jhanDaa]<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(hai jo)</div><div>One<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>safe<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>also<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>is,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>and/but<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>[NP1 flag] <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>(is that)</div><div>[NP2 duurbiin]<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>[INT kii<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>daayii <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>taraf] <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>hai.</div><div>[NP2 binoculars]<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>[INT gen<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>right <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>side] <span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>is</div><div>?There is a safe, and/but (it is) the flag (that ) is to the right of</div><div>the binoculars.?</div><div>We found higher first pass regression probabilities for clefted nouns</div><div>as opposed to non-clefted nouns. This can be interpreted as the</div><div>encoding cost for clefted nouns. We also found shorter re-reading</div><div>times at the clefted noun and fewer regressions to it from the</div><div>integration site. We interpret this as evidence for the integration</div><div>advantage.</div><div>In addition, although whole sentence total reading time showed a</div><div>given-new advantage (confirming the accepted opinion that given-new</div><div>order is easier to process), the clefted word itself was read faster</div><div>when it was new rather than given.</div><div>We replicated the above findings through a second eyetracking</div><div>experiment (n=32) involving Hindi left-dislocated topics that</div><div>superficially resemble clefts but have a different</div><div>information-<wbr>structuring function.</div><div>In sum, we present new evidence from online sentence comprehension</div><div>that syntactic information-<wbr>structure markers such as clefts and</div><div>left-dislocated topics serve to facilitate retrieval of the</div><div>clefted/topicalized element and that the initial cost of encoding can</div><div>be minimized by providing context information.</div><div><br></div> </blockquote></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: separate;color: rgb(0, 0, 0);font-family: Helvetica;font-size: 12px;font-style: normal;font-variant: normal;font-weight: normal;letter-spacing: normal;text-align: auto;text-indent: 0px;"><br><div><br class="khtml-block-placeholder"></div><br class="Apple-interchange-newline"></span> </div><br></p>
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<p><a href="http://us.lrd.yahoo.com/_ylc=X3oDMTJvNDFpNmZlBF9TAzk3NDkwNDY4BF9wAzMEZ3JwSWQDMzE0OTEyNARncnBzcElkAzIxMjM4MTI1MjgEc2VjA25jbW9kBHNsawN0b29sYmFyBHN0aW1lAzEyMzYxMTAyMTU-;_ylg=1/SIG=1243ka2s1/**http%3A//fr.rd.yahoo.com/evt=44789/*http%3A//fr.toolbar.yahoo.com" style="text-decoration:none; color:#1E66AE; font-weight: normal;">100% gratuit !</a></p>
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<p style="color: #000000; font-weight: normal;">à vos groupes.</p>
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<div style="clear:both; color: #FFF; font-size:1px;">.</div>
</div> <img src="http://geo.yahoo.com/serv?s=97490468/grpId=3149124/grpspId=2123812528/msgId=2324/stime=1236110215/nc1=1/nc2=2/nc3=3" width="1" height="1"> <br>
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