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<p><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">L'équipe ARCHITECTURE GRAMMATICALE de l'UMR 7023 a le plaisir de vous convier dans le cadre de son séminaire mensuel<br><br><font class="Apple-style-span" size="5"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 18px;"><b> le lundi 9 novembre 2009, 10h00-12h00</b></span></font></span></font></font></p><p><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">Université Paris VIII, 2, rue de la liberté, </span></font></font></p><p><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">93200 Saint-Denis (métro Saint-Denis Université, ligne 13), bâtiment D, salle D 143</span></font></font></p><p><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;"><a href="http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/spip.php?article86"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="text-decoration: none;"><font class="Apple-style-span" color="#000000">http://www.umr7023.<wbr>cnrs.fr/spip.<wbr>php?article86</font></span></a></span></font></font></p><p><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;"><br> à une conférence de </span></font> </font></p><p><span class="Apple-style-span"><div><font color="#333333" style="font: 12.0px Trebuchet MS;color: #333333;"><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Chalkboard" size="4"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="5"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 18px;"><b>Angelika Kratzer & Lisa Selkirk </b></span></font><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">(Université de Massachusetts Amherst)</span></font></font></div></span></p><p><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">intitulée</span></font></font></p><div><span class="Apple-style-span"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51);"><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Chalkboard" size="5"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 18px;"><b>Distinguishing contrastive, new and given information</b></span></font></span></span></div><div><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;"><br></span></font></div><div><font style="font: 13.0px Chalkboard;"><font class="Apple-style-span" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">RESUME </span></font></font></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span"><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Chalkboard" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;"><br></span></font></span></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span"><p><font color="#333333" style="font: 12.0px Trebuchet MS;color: #333333;"><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Chalkboard" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">The question of how linguistic theory should break down the dimension of “information structure” that includes contrastiveness, newness and givenness continues to be a subject of debate. This talk will defend the three-way distinction between given, new, and focus of contrast originally proposed in Chafe 1976. Phonological and phonetic data are presented from English which support this three-way contrast. We will argue that the status of a constituent as new is unmarked in the grammar, while constituents which are given or are a focus of contrast are marked as such in the syntactic representation which mediates between sound and meaning. This proposal echoes a recent proposal by Féry and Samek-Lodovici 2006.</span></font></font></p><p><font color="#333333" style="font: 12.0px Trebuchet MS;color: #333333;"><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Chalkboard" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">We will show that a system which gives morphosyntactic representation to focus of contrast (FoC-marking) and to givenness (G-marking) but which leaves newness morphosyntactically unmarked has the right consequences for theories of the interfaces of syntax with sentence prosody on the one hand and semantics on the other. On the semantics side, renditions of the Rooth 1992 theory of alternatives focus and the Schwarzschild 1999 theory of givenness are combined with a set of syntax/semantics interface constraints to provide the interpretation and distribution of sentences whose constituents are FoC-marked, G-marked, and/or unmarked for either. On the phonology side, it is shown that all-new sentences receive a phonological interpretation that is based on general phonological principles, without any appeal to the morphosyntactic feature make-up of the sentence.</span></font></font></p><p><font color="#333333" style="font: 12.0px Trebuchet MS;color: #333333;"><font class="Apple-style-span" face="Chalkboard" size="4"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 14px;">We will also explore some of the typological predictions of our proposal: whether FoC-marking or G-marking are expressed in sentence prosody varies (independently) from one language to the next. Some languages show no prosodic reflexes of these morphosyntactic contrasts at all, instead defaulting to the types of unmarked sentence prosody found in all-new sentences.</span></font></font></p></span></div><br> <span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 12px;"><div><br></div></span><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 12px;"><div><br class="khtml-block-placeholder"></div><br class="Apple-interchange-newline"></span> </div><br></p>
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