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<p>Chers linguistes (et spécialement phonologues),<br>
<br>
Voici donc (cf. infra) un article "populaire" <br>
dans New Scientist qui continue à explorer le <br>
filon du Chomsky-bashing, surfant sur la vague <br>
générale de l'empirisme et de la haine du <br>
raisonnement et du top-down (pour savoir quelle <br>
politique économique je dois faire, j'appelle la <br>
bourse). Les langues sont teeeeellement diverses, <br>
et les humains ont tellement envie de communiquer <br>
qu'ils s'en fichent du linguiste en chambre et <br>
font ce qu'ils veulent, les universaux n'existent pas.<br>
Dans le tas, il y a un scoop pour les <br>
phonologues, défaits de leur dernière illusion quant aux universaux:<br>
<br>
Since the theory of universal grammar was <br>
proposed, linguists have identified many language <br>
rules. Although these are supposed to be <br>
universal, there are almost always exceptions. It <br>
was once believed, for example, that no language <br>
would have a syllable that begins with a vowel <br>
and ends with a consonant (VC), if it didn't also <br>
have syllables that begin with a consonant and <br>
end with a vowel (CV). This universal lasted <br>
until 1999, when linguists showed that Arrernte <br>
<<a href="http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_arr">http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_arr</a>>, <br>
spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area <br>
around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, <br>
has VC syllables but no CV syllables.<br>
<br>
Alors qui se propose pour un commando de <br>
phonologues français qui descendent en Australie? <br>
On espère que les données ne proviennent pas <br>
d'une seule personne linguiste qui parle la <br>
langue, comme dans le cas du Piraha qui ne fait rien comme les autres langues.<br>
Sinon il suffira peut-être de mettre son nez dans <br>
le type d'analyse syllabique pratiquée par ceux qui arrivent à ce résultat.<br>
[...5 min plus tard]<br>
Ce que j'ai fait: la langue en question, dans la <br>
référence WALS donnée, s'appelle Ar(r)anda, et ce <br>
n'est pas une inconnue dans la littérature phonologique. Dans l'article<br>
Takahashi, Toyomi 1999. Constraint interaction in <br>
Aranda stress. Issues in phonological structure, <br>
edited by S.J. Hannahs & Mike Davenport, 149-179. Amsterdam: Benjamins.<br>
on trouve les formes suivantes<br>
Nalama "to move" (N= n vélaire)<br>
tarama "lo laugh"<br>
kutuNula "ceremonial assistant"<br>
etc. à la pelle<br>
<br>
Mais il est bien connu que Takahashi est un <br>
intégriste Chomskien qui falsifie les données <br>
pour donner raison à son gourou religieux. Ou, <br>
alternativement, l'analyse syllabique des <br>
linguistes australiens a des subtilités qui <br>
échappent au commun des mortels, peut-être - <br>
comme en piraha - sous l'influence de la culture? <br>
Nous pauvres occidentaux, nous ne pouvons pas <br>
comprendre comment un aborigène coupe les <br>
consonnes et les voyelles, parce que nous ne connaissons rien de sa culture.<br>
Si vous vous dites parfois que Christian Estrosi <br>
s'exprime bizarrement, ne vous en faites pas: la <br>
culture azuréenne et niçoise est basée sur le <br>
Médecinisme et l'amitié paraguayo-niçoise, vous <br>
ne pouvez pas comprendre. Il ne fait pas les <br>
mêmes choses avec les mots et les phrases que vous.<br>
<br>
Tobias Scheer<br>
<br>
>-------- Original Message --------<br>
>Subject: [LAGB] Article about linguistics in New Scientist<br>
>Date: Tue, 1 Jun 2010 12:48:14 +0100<br>
>From: Raphael Salkie <<a href="mailto:R.M.Salkie%40BTON.AC.UK">R.M.Salkie@BTON.AC.UK</a>><br>
>Reply-To: <a href="mailto:R.M.Salkie%40BTON.AC.UK">R.M.Salkie@BTON.AC.UK</a><br>
>To: <a href="mailto:LAGB%40JISCMAIL.AC.UK">LAGB@JISCMAIL.AC.UK</a><br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
>A recent issue of NS had a rare article about <br>
>linguistics. I have reproduced it below: it is <br>
>also freely available from the web address given at the end.<br>
><br>
><br>
>I personally think that it shows everything that <br>
>is bad about science journalism. Before I write <br>
>to /New Scientist/ and say so, am I <br>
>over-reacting? Is anyone else planning a <br>
>response? Would a collective response be useful?<br>
><br>
><br>
>Thanks. Raf Salkie<br>
><br>
><br>
>*Language lessons: You are what you speak *<br>
><br>
>§ 26 May 2010 by *Christine Kenneally* <br>
><<a href="http://www.newscientist.com/search?rbauthors=Christine+Kenneally">http://www.newscientist.com/search?rbauthors=Christine+Kenneally</a>><br>
><br>
>§ New Scientist Magazine issue 2762 <br>
><<a href="http://www.newscientist.com/issue/2762">http://www.newscientist.com/issue/2762</a>>.<br>
><br>
>LANGUAGES are wonderfully idiosyncratic. English <br>
>puts its subject before its verb. Finnish has <br>
>lots of cases. Mandarin is highly tonal.<br>
><br>
>Yet despite these differences, one of the most <br>
>influential ideas in the study of language is <br>
>that of universal grammar. Put forward by Noam <br>
>Chomsky in the 1960s, it is widely interpreted <br>
>as meaning that all languages are basically the <br>
>same and that the human brain is born <br>
>language-ready, with an in-built program that is <br>
>able to decipher the common rules underpinning <br>
>any mother tongue. For five decades this idea <br>
>has dominated work in linguistics, psychology <br>
>and cognitive science. To understand language, <br>
>it implied, you must sweep aside the dazzling <br>
>diversity of languages and find the common human core.<br>
><br>
>But what if the very diversity of languages is <br>
>the key to understanding human communication? <br>
>This is the idea being put forward by linguists <br>
>Nicholas Evans of the Australian National <br>
>University in Canberra and Stephen Levinson of <br>
>the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics in Nijmegen, the Netherlands.<br>
><br>
>They believe that languages do not share a <br>
>common set of rules. Instead, they say, their <br>
>sheer variety is a defining feature of human <br>
>communication - something not seen in other <br>
>animals. And that's not all. Language diversity <br>
>is the "crucial fact for understanding the place <br>
>of language in human cognition", Levinson and Evans argue.<br>
><br>
>In recent years, much has been made of the idea <br>
>that humans possess a "language instinct": <br>
>infants easily learn to speak because all <br>
>languages follow a set of rules built into their <br>
>brains. While there is no doubt that human <br>
>thinking influences the form that language <br>
>takes, if Evans and Levinson are correct, <br>
>language in turn shapes our brains. This <br>
>suggests that humans are more diverse than we <br>
>thought, with our brains having differences <br>
>depending on the language environment in which <br>
>we grew up. And that leads to a disturbing <br>
>conclusion: every time a language becomes <br>
>extinct, humanity loses an important piece of diversity.<br>
><br>
>Since the theory of universal grammar was <br>
>proposed, linguists have identified many <br>
>language rules. Although these are supposed to <br>
>be universal, there are almost always <br>
>exceptions. It was once believed, for example, <br>
>that no language would have a syllable that <br>
>begins with a vowel and ends with a consonant <br>
>(VC), if it didn't also have syllables that <br>
>begin with a consonant and end with a vowel <br>
>(CV). This universal lasted until 1999, when <br>
>linguists showed that Arrernte <br>
><<a href="http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_arr">http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_arr</a>>, <br>
>spoken by Indigenous Australians from the area <br>
>around Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, <br>
>has VC syllables but no CV syllables.<br>
><br>
>Other non-universal "universals" describe the <br>
>basic rules of putting words together. Take the <br>
>rule that every language contains four basic <br>
>word classes: nouns, verbs, adjectives and <br>
>adverbs. Work in the past two decades has shown <br>
>that several languages lack an open adverb <br>
>class, which means the number of adverbs <br>
>available is limited, unlike in English where <br>
>you can turn any word into an adverb, for <br>
>example soft into softly. Others, such as Lao <br>
><<a href="http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_lao">http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_lao</a>>, <br>
>spoken in Laos, have no adjectives at all. More <br>
>controversially, some linguists argue that a few <br>
>languages, such as Straits Salish <br>
><<a href="http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_sst">http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_sst</a>>, <br>
>spoken by indigenous people from north-western <br>
>regions of North America, do not even have <br>
>distinct nouns or verbs. Instead they have a <br>
>single class of words to encompass events, entities and qualities.<br>
><br>
>Even apparently unassailable universals have <br>
>been found wanting. This includes recursion, the <br>
>ability to infinitely embed one item in a <br>
>similar item, such as "Jack thinks that Mary <br>
>thinks that... the bus will be on time". It is <br>
>widely considered to be a characteristic that <br>
>sets human language apart from the <br>
>communications of other animals. Yet Dan Everett <br>
>at Illinois State University recently published <br>
>controversial work showing that Amazonian <br>
>Pirahã does not have this recursive quality <br>
><<a href="http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg18925431.500-a-people-lost-for-words.html">http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg18925431.500-a-people-lost-for-words.html</a>> <br>
>(/Language/, vol 85, p 405 <<a href="http://www.lsadc.org/info/pubs-lang-toc.cfm">http://www.lsadc.org/info/pubs-lang-toc.cfm</a>>).<br>
><br>
>The more we learn about languages, the more <br>
>apparent the differences become (see "Tower of <br>
>Babel") <br>
><<a href="http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20627621.000-language-lessons-you-are-what-you-speak.html?full=true#bx276210B1">http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20627621.000-language-lessons-you-are-what-you-speak.html?full=true#bx276210B1</a>>. <br>
>While most linguists have somehow lived with <br>
>these anomalies, Evans and Levinson believe they <br>
>cannot be ignored. "The haul of clear and <br>
>empirically impeccable universals, after decades <br>
>of searching, is pitiful," Evans notes. He and <br>
>Levinson argue that the idea of universal <br>
>grammar has sent researchers down a blind alley. <br>
>We should embrace linguistic diversity, they <br>
>say, and try to explain the forms that languages <br>
>actually take. To that end, they published a <br>
>paper outlining their theory in /Behavioral and <br>
>Brain Sciences/ <br>
><<a href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=6427084">http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=6427084</a>> <br>
>last year (vol 32, p 429). Everett has described <br>
>it as "a watershed in the history of linguistic theory".<br>
><br>
>If languages do not obey a single set of shared <br>
>rules, then how are they created? "Instead of <br>
>universals, you get standard engineering <br>
>solutions that languages adopt again and again, <br>
>and then you get outliers," says Evans. He and <br>
>Levinson argue that this is because any given <br>
>language is a complex system shaped by many <br>
>factors, including culture, genetics and <br>
>history. There are no absolutely universal <br>
>traits of language, they say, only tendencies. <br>
>And it is a mix of strong and weak tendencies <br>
>that characterises the "bio-cultural" hybrid we call language.<br>
><br>
>According to the two linguists, the strong <br>
>tendencies explain why many languages converge <br>
>on common patterns. A variety of factors tend to <br>
>push language in a similar direction, such as <br>
>the structure of the brain, the biology of <br>
>speech and the efficiencies of communication. <br>
>Widely shared linguistic elements may also build <br>
>on a particularly human kind of social <br>
>reasoning. For example, the fact that before we <br>
>learn to speak we see the world as a place full <br>
>of things causing actions (agents) and things <br>
>having actions done to them (patients) explains <br>
>why most languages deploy these categories.<br>
><br>
>*Origins of diversity*<br>
><br>
>Weak tendencies, in contrast, are explained by <br>
>the idiosyncrasies of different languages. Evans <br>
>and Levinson argue that many aspects of the <br>
>particular natural history of a population may <br>
>affect its language. For instance, Andy Butcher <br>
>at Flinders University in Adelaide, South <br>
>Australia, has observed that Indigenous <br>
>Australian children have by far the highest <br>
>incidence of chronic middle-ear infection of any <br>
>population on the planet, and that most <br>
>Indigenous Australian languages lack many sounds <br>
>that are common in other languages, but which <br>
>are hard to hear with a middle-ear infection. <br>
>Whether this condition has shaped the sound <br>
>systems of these languages is unknown, says <br>
>Evans, but it is important to consider the idea.<br>
><br>
>Levinson and Evans are not the first to question <br>
>the omnipotence of universal grammar, or UG, but <br>
>no one has distilled these ideas quite as <br>
>convincingly and given them as much reach. As a <br>
>result, their arguments have generated <br>
>widespread enthusiasm, particularly among those <br>
>linguists who are tired of trying to shoehorn <br>
>their findings into the straitjacket of <br>
>"absolute universals". To some, it is the final <br>
>nail in UG's coffin. "Recent strategies like <br>
>saying that not all language must have all <br>
>components of UG - with no explanation of the <br>
>variation - just immunise UG from <br>
>falsification," says Michael Tomasello, <br>
>co-director of the Max Planck Institute for <br>
>Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany. A <br>
>developmental psychologist with particular <br>
>interest in language acquisition, Tomasello has <br>
>been a long-standing critic of the idea that all <br>
>languages conform to a set of rules. "Universal grammar is dead," he says.<br>
><br>
>Steven Pinker of Harvard University, who is the <br>
>author of /The Language Instinct/ <br>
><<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Language_Instinct">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Language_Instinct</a>>, <br>
>agrees with many points made by Evans and <br>
>Levinson, including the fact that the standards <br>
>for a "universal" have not been rigorous enough; <br>
>that language arises from the co-evolution of <br>
>genes and culture; and that it is very important <br>
>to document the diversity of languages. Still, <br>
>Pinker argues that all humans do share an innate <br>
>set of mechanisms for learning language. He <br>
>accepts that the extent to which different <br>
>languages use these mechanisms may be shaped by <br>
>that culture's history, but still believes there <br>
>are many universals that underlie all languages.<br>
><br>
>Others claim that just because we have not yet <br>
>worked out exactly what constitutes a universal <br>
>in language, doesn't mean they don't exist. <br>
>Tecumseh Fitch at the University of Vienna in <br>
>Austria says that from the outset Chomsky's own <br>
>definition was quite sophisticated. "In <br>
>introducing the term 'UG', Chomsky made it clear <br>
>that these features are highly abstract and not <br>
>[the same as] absolute surface universals," he says.<br>
><br>
>"If universal means a 'bias that can be <br>
>violated' then I'm happy to use universal in <br>
>that special sense," says Evans. "I don't think <br>
>that's the sense in which it was originally <br>
>intended. But if that's what UG ends up morphing <br>
>into, then fine, we can move on to more interesting questions."<br>
><br>
>*Diversity in mind*<br>
><br>
>Among the most important of these is what the <br>
>Evans-Levinson approach says about our species. <br>
>The diversity of human language sets it apart <br>
>from the communication systems of all other <br>
>animals, which tend to be the same for any group <br>
>in any species, no matter where on the globe <br>
>they live. True, some animals, including <br>
>songbirds and higher primates, do have a range <br>
>of learned expressions that can vary from one <br>
>population to another, but none is remotely as <br>
>diverse as human language. Evans and Levinson <br>
>attribute our linguistic exuberance to the <br>
>plasticity of the human brain, and they say it <br>
>changes how we should think about human thought.<br>
><br>
>The standard modern metaphor for cognition is <br>
>the "toolbox", with humans sharing some tools <br>
>with other animals while having others that are <br>
>exclusive to us. For Evans and Levinson, <br>
>cognition is more like "a machine tool, capable <br>
>of manufacturing special tools for special <br>
>jobs... like calculating, playing the piano, <br>
>reading right to left, or speaking Arabic". In <br>
>this view, the brain of a child does not arrive <br>
>pre-programmed with abstract linguistic rules. <br>
>Instead, its initial setting is much simpler: <br>
>the first job of the brain is to build a more <br>
>complicated brain. This it does using any input <br>
>that it gets, including language. This could <br>
>mean that speakers of very different languages <br>
>have quite different brains, says Levinson.<br>
><br>
>Each of the world's 7000 or so languages <br>
>contains its own unique clues to the mysteries of human existence<br>
><br>
>Taking diversity at face value also gives <br>
>linguists an opportunity to re-examine old <br>
>dogmas. For example, it is assumed that all <br>
>languages are equally easy to learn, yet this <br>
>has never been tested. Evans believes that given <br>
>the number of variable factors that shape <br>
>languages, there might well be differences in <br>
>how quickly infants reach particular linguistic <br>
>milestones depending on the idiosyncrasies of <br>
>their mother tongue. "We need to revisit this idea," he says.<br>
><br>
>Another classic dogma is that we all master the <br>
>fundamental structure of our native language by <br>
>early childhood. Indeed, one of the most <br>
>compelling aspects of the UG-language-instinct <br>
>idea was that it seemed to explain how infants <br>
>do this with such ease. However, it turns out <br>
>that in some languages there are some aspects <br>
>that are not mastered until later in life, such <br>
>as the triangular kin terms of the Indigenous <br>
>Australian language, Bininj Gun-wok <br>
><<a href="http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_bbw">http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_bbw</a>>. <br>
>These situate the speaker, listener and a third <br>
>party relative all at once. For example <br>
>"al-doingu" means "the one who is my mother and <br>
>your daughter, you being my maternal <br>
>grandmother". And this is not an oddity; there <br>
>are hundreds of such structures in the language. <br>
>The speakers of Bininj Gun-wok only begin to <br>
>acquire this part of the language in their twenties.<br>
><br>
>Focusing on language diversity also highlights <br>
>the tragedy of language extinction. In the old <br>
>model, all languages are merely variations on <br>
>the same underlying theme. In the new model, <br>
>however, each of the world's 7000 or so <br>
>languages contains its own unique clues to some <br>
>of the mysteries of human existence. <br>
>"Observations about animal species, <br>
>distinctness, behaviour and ecological <br>
>relationships which are captured in the <br>
>vocabulary of some languages distil millennia of <br>
>close observation by the speakers of those <br>
>languages," says Evans. For example, some <br>
>languages spoken in Arnhem Land, in Australia's <br>
>Northern Territory, have words for five species <br>
>of bee not yet described by science. "A typical <br>
>language in [that area] will contain a veritable <br>
>library shelf of ethnobiology that is on the <br>
>verge of being lost without us ever knowing what books were there," says Evans.<br>
><br>
>In the diversity of the world's languages we <br>
>find facts about ancient human history, the path <br>
>of languages through time, and deep knowledge of <br>
>the planet. Seen in this light, languages and <br>
>their speakers offer a scientific bonanza to <br>
>anyone trying to understand human evolution, behaviour and cognition.<br>
><br>
>*Read more:* UNESCO interactive atlas of the <br>
>world's languages in danger <br>
><<a href="http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?pg=00206">http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?pg=00206</a>><br>
><br>
>*Tower of Babel*<br>
><br>
>After half a century of trying to find a common <br>
>pattern among all languages it is increasingly <br>
>clear that they are not the same.<br>
><br>
>§ Some languages have 11 distinct sounds with <br>
>which to make words, while others have 144. Sign <br>
>languages have none. As sounds that were once <br>
>thought impossible are discovered, the idea that <br>
>there is a fixed set of speech sounds is being abandoned.<br>
><br>
>§ Some languages use a single word where others <br>
>need an entire sentence. In English, for <br>
>example, you might say "I cooked the wrong meat <br>
>for them again". In the Indigenous Australian <br>
>language Bininj Gun-wok you would say <br>
>"abanyawoihwarrgahmarneganjginjeng". The more we <br>
>know about language processing, the less likely <br>
>it seems that these two structures are processed in the same way.<br>
><br>
>§ Even plurals are not straightforward. The <br>
>Kiowa <br>
><<a href="http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_kio">http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_kio</a>> <br>
>people of North America use a plural marker that <br>
>means "of unexpected number". Attached to "leg", <br>
>the marker means "one or more than two". <br>
>Attached to "stone", it means "just two".<br>
><br>
>§ Some major word classes are not found in all <br>
>languages. English, for example, lacks <br>
>"ideophones" where diverse feelings about an <br>
>event and its participants are jammed into one <br>
>word - as in "rawa-dawa" from the Mundari <br>
>language of the Indian subcontinent meaning "the <br>
>sensation of suddenly realising you can do <br>
>something reprehensible, and no one is there to witness it".<br>
><br>
>/Christine Kenneally is a science writer and <br>
>author of The First Word: The search for the <br>
>origins of language (Viking Adult, 2007)/<br>
><br>
><a href="http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20627621.000-language-lessons-you-are-what-you-speak.html?full=true">http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg20627621.000-language-lessons-you-are-what-you-speak.html?full=true</a><br>
><br>
><br>
><br>
>Professor Raphael Salkie, Tel: (+44) 01273 643335<br>
><br>
>School of Humanities, Tel: (+44) 01273 643337<br>
><br>
>University of Brighton Tel: (+44) 01273 600900<br>
><br>
>Falmer, Brighton, BN1 9PH<br>
><br>
>England.<br>
><br>
><br>
>Fax: (+44) 01273 641873<br>
><br>
>Email: <a href="mailto:r.m.salkie%40brighton.ac.uk">r.m.salkie@brighton.ac.uk</a> <mailto:<a href="mailto:r.m.salkie%40brighton.ac.uk">r.m.salkie@brighton.ac.uk</a>><br>
><br>
><br>
>Home page: <a href="http://artsresearch.brighton.ac.uk/research/academic/salkie">http://artsresearch.brighton.ac.uk/research/academic/salkie</a><br>
<br>
</p>
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